{"id":39642,"date":"2019-04-18T15:03:20","date_gmt":"2019-04-18T19:03:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/carfms.org\/?page_id=39642"},"modified":"2019-05-10T14:52:02","modified_gmt":"2019-05-10T18:52:02","slug":"abstracts","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/abstracts\/","title":{"rendered":"Abstracts"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

(PDF download<\/a>)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Panels and Workshops<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Tanya Aberman, Vernetta Avril, York University; Amy Soberano, Access Alliance; Philip Ackerman, Ruth Damdar, Seneca College; Genevieve Ritchie, OISE\/UT<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Questioning Integration: Claiming Counterspaces Through Post-Secondary Education<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

With\nthe increased displacement and movement of people around the world, the\nreification and fortification of external, as well as internal borders has\ncontributed to the conditions of precarity that newcomers confront. Drawing on\noriginal research and innovative new tertiary education-based projects, this\npanel will interrogate ideals of inclusion by considering the exclusions and\nerasures that are engendered through accessing social rights, resettlement\nservices, and education. We engage sites of advocacy and resistance around\naccess to education as a way to think through the paradoxical relations of\ninclusion and exclusion set within the settler-colonialism of Canada. While the\ncontradictions we highlight take different forms, they also offer possibilities\nto critically reflect on integration through a better understanding of\nintersecting systemic oppressions, collective mobilizations, and individual\nactions. There is much to be learned by understanding different forms of\nexclusion and the ways they have been successfully contested to offer\ncommunity-lead promising practices within the university that support social\nchange. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Md Mohsin Ali, ICA Bangladesh; Aziz Rahman, University of Manitoba;  Adiba Fannana<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Rohingya,\naccording to the United Nations (UN), is one of the most persecuted ethnic\nminorities in the world. Since the 1970s, the Myanmar state has adopted\napartheid policies against Rohingyas, and continued to violate human rights\nagainst Rohingya. The issue of Rohingya persecution and refugee exodus to\nBangladesh has received a global attention in recent years because of the\nrecent exodus of over 6000,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh, the death of over 6,000\nRohingyas, the burning of 500 Rohingya villages, and mass rapes of Rohingya\nwomen by Myanmar army. In August 2017, the UN declared the military atrocities\nagainst Rohingyas as the textbook example of ethnic cleansing. Very recently,\nthe UN and some countries have considered the Myanmar state persecution as\ngenocide. The recently discovered event of previously unreported mass graves in\nRakhine State by the Associated Press investigation adds to the existing\nevidence to Rohingya ethnic cleansing and genocide.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

More\nthan one million Rohingyas are registered in government\u2019s Rohingya registration\nprogram. While Bangladesh has been burdened with various problems, the Rohingya\nrefugee problem has become a burning social, political, and security issue to\nmake the situation worsen. The challenge is how to address the Rohingya problem\nin Bangladesh. The government has recently registered refugees to facilitate\nthe repatriation of refugees to Myanmar. Because of the international pressure,\nthe Myanmar government signed a protocol with the government of Bangladesh, but\nmany issues regarding safety of the local condition back home and the lack of\nbasic needs and rights in to-be-constructed transit camps, and the commitment\nto address the root causes of the Rohingya crisis have been left with\nuncertainty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npanel is intended to have three speakers to critically discuss the complex and\nprotracted Rohingya refugee problem in Bangladesh highlighting the\nsocioeconomic issues facing refugees in camps, the global response to the\nRohingya crisis, and the potential options for refugee protection.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kelsey Baird, California State University San Marcos; Munira Abdulwasi, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Deconstructing Refugee Illness and Re-centering Refugees in Refugee Health Discourse<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Currently\nthe refugee health literature is concentrated primarily on the mental health of\nrefugees (Patil, Maripuu, Hadley, & Sellen, 2011). This focus in the\nliterature is influenced largely by factors related to the experience of\nrefugees with both trauma in the home country and trauma brought on through the\nprocess of forced migration. This has culminated in an examination of how the\n\u201ctraumatized\u201d refugee interacts with or fails to interact with the Western\nmedical model of care, portrayed as a system of \u201crefuge\u201d (Le Espiritu, 2014).\nThese dominant discourses of severe trauma and mental disability are themselves\ndisabling because they result in a singular narrative \u201cdamage-centered\u201d\napproach of refugee health, that paints refugees as individuals that are\nhopeless, destitute, and in need of aid to prevent and\/or minimize the negative\noutcomes to their mental health (Le Espiritu, 2014). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

By\nfocusing exclusively on the mental and emotional trauma experienced by\nrefugees, the literature in this area obfuscates other factors critical to the\nhealth of refugees, and the experience of disability such as their physical\nhealth (Patil, Maripuu, Hadley, & Sellen, 2011). This presentation seeks to\nexamine this void in the literature and to disrupt the focus on the mental\nhealth of refugees continues to silence the voices of refugees living with other\npressing chronic disability. The presenters aspire to do this by implementing a\ncritical lens to examine how health and illness among refugees is currently\ndepicted in the refugee health literature, aspiring to engage further\ndiscussion on this important topic.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

John Brooks, John Carlaw, Edwar Dommar, Amna Masood,  Centre for Refugee Studies, York University; Kerith Paul, Ryerson University; Rosa Solorzano, Denis Njoki, CCR Youth Network<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Discussion Chair:<\/strong>\nDon Dippo, Faculty of Education, York University<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Promoting Youth, Newcomer and Refugee Led Integration and Advocacy in Community and University Contexts<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npanel, composed of York University Syria Response and Refugee Initiative, the\nRyerson University Lifeline Syria Challenge, the World University Service of\nCanada (York U Keele Campus) and the Canadian Council for Refugees Youth                Network will discuss their\nleadership and experience in engaging, encouraging and supporting youth\nengagement in refugee and newcomer issues and civic engagement. This panel will\nprovide a space for student, youth, project staff, university and NGO perspectives\nto be shared on engaging and empowering youth to actively engage in refugee and\nnewcomer issues with an eye to compiling and sharing lessons learned about\nyouth and newcomer agency and how to support their educational, activist,\nadvocacy and resettlement efforts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

John Carlaw, Centre for Refugee Studies, York University; Geraldina Polanco, McMaster University.; Graham Hudson, John Shields, Ryerson University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Competing Projects of (Im)migrant and Refugee Integration and Exclusion in Canada<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\npart responding to the CARFMS call for papers, titled \u201cInterrogating\nIntegration,\u201d this panel is designed to gain knowledge of competing and\ncomplementary projects and strategies concerning (im)migration and societal\nbelonging in Canada and answer the question of what sort(s) of integration\nand\/or exclusion is on offer from these socio-political projects during a\nperiod of intense political and civil society contestation concerning\n(im)migration in Canada. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Through\nthis discussion of nascent and competing projects of (im)migration and\nbelonging it is hoped to identify both obstacles towards and opportunities to\nbuild a more inclusive (im)migration imagination and society in the Canadian\ncontext. Presentations will include projects and ideologies of both\n(im)migration from \u201cabove\u201d and \u201cbelow.\u201d Cases include 1)  modern Canadian neoconservatism at the\nfederal level 2) the racialized, gendered, and classed workforce practices of\ntemporary employment in the Canadian fast food sector in the North American\ncontext; as well as responses in the forms of projects of integration of 3)\nSanctuary City movements and policies and 4) the Non-profit Migrant Settlement\nSystem in Canada.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Presenters\nare invited though not required to discuss, where applicable, parties and\nmovements\u2019 1) dominant ideology(ies) and world view(s) concerning (im)migration\nand belonging; 2) social base and institutional resources, including core\nconstituencies and allied civil society actors and 3) their primary scale(s) of\noperation, be it local, provincial, national and\/or transnational.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Emerimana Christian, URISE Initiative for Africa; Mustafa Alio, Refugee Career Jumpstart Project; James Madhier, University of Toronto<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Refugee Agency and Influence in Multiple Spheres<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Participation\nrefers to the way in which refugees and others forcibly displaced can\nparticipate meaningfully and exert influence in decision-making processes that\naffect their lives. Participation can be used to describe different situations,\nfrom a person being able to make informed decisions and fully participate in a\nlocal labour market, through to groups of refugees being able to access\ndemocratic institutions and political processes (e.g. being able to elect\nrepresentatives or vote). In the context of the workshop, the focus of\ndiscussions is on 1- The impact of the refugee participation on hosting\ncommunity and their contributions. 2- How refugees and others forcibly\ndisplaced can participate (act) and have agency (influence) in decision-making\nprocesses at different levels (local, national, regional, global) and in\ndifferent kinds of spaces (e.g. government, NGOs, community, academia).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Christina, Clark-Kazak, University of Ottawa; Yuriko Cowper-Smith, University of Guelph; Julie Young, University of Lethridge; James Milner, Carleton University; <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Resource people: Janice Walls, Media Relations, York University; Zein Al Moghraby, Journalists for Human Rights
<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop: Public and media engagement on migration: Tips, tricks and pitfalls to avoid in the lead-up to 2019 Elections <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Debates\namongst politicians prior to the 2018 provincial elections in Ontario and\nQu\u00e9bec, as well as political messaging around the Global Compact on Migration\ncontained worrying under-currents of xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment.\nIn some cases, these messages were reiterated in social media and press\nreports. Considering the conference theme of \u201cinterrogating integration\u201d, this\nworkshop brings together scholarly perspectives on public discourse in Canada,\nto focus on the ways in which political, popular and media discourse has real\nimplications for the integration experiences of newcomers in Canada. Scholars,\npractitioners, journalists and activists will strategize on the ways and means\nto de-bunk erroneous populist messaging in the lead-up to Canada\u2019s federal\nelections in 2019. This workshop will unpack this messaging and parse out\ncommon myths that are not based on empirical facts. Participants will work to\nidentify strategies and practical steps to engage in public education that\nupholds the rights of people in situations of forced migration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dacia Douhaibi, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop\n\/ Atelier<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Methodological Challenges and Innovations in Forced Migration Research<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\nroundtable will critically examine the evolution of methodological approaches\nto research on forced migration. Participants will contribute to and discuss\nthe research needs, data sources, and changing landscape of methodological\napproaches, considering the relationship between research and policy as well as\nthe implications of different methods. Discussion will include critical\ndiscourse surrounding the rapidly changing technological environment in which\nrefugees, researchers, and practitioners exist and whether increased access to\ndata and improved methodological tools enables or constrains increased\nunderstanding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohamed Duale, York University, Borderless Higher Education for Refugees (BHER); Ahmed Ali, Abdullahi Yusuf Aden, Arte Dagane, Fatuma Jama, Ochan Leomoi, Okello Oyat, Dadaab, Kenya <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Refugee Scholars in Dadaab: Graduate Study and Research in Displacement <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Established in 1991, the Dadaab refugee camps are predominantly Somali, and located in Kenya’s mainly ethnic Somali Northeastern Province. Successive waves of refugees over the last 27 years have made these camps a space of refuge and home as well as a place of employment and residence for a sizeable Kenyan and expatriate community who work as humanitarian workers, educators, security, administrative, and domestic staff. This panel discussion by a group of refugee graduate students in Dadaab, Kenya, discusses the social organization of the Dadaab refugee camps, and the ways different categories of social citizenship come to shape the experiences of living in there, particularly in terms of place of residence, housing, mobility, access to protection, education, employment and support services. It will focus on the ways these categories reinforce and thwart a sense of community, and how refugees in Dadaab negotiate identity, belonging and the strictures of living in such camps.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Claire Ellis, Jona Zyfi, Ryerson University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop\n\/ Atelier<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Supporting Emerging Migration Scholars and Practitioners<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\nroundtable will bring together emerging and established scholars and\npractitioners to creatively address strategies that support emerging members of\nthe migration studies community, and stimulate dialogue around the challenges\nand best practices for creating professional opportunities for those new to the\nfield. Topics may include: current mentorship, publishing, and employment\nopportunities available to emerging scholars and practitioners; barriers\nhindering the inclusion of emerging scholars and practitioners in migration\ndiscourses,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

policy\ndevelopment, and research innovations; inclusion strategies for networks and\nprojects for emerging scholars and practitioners with lived experiences of\nforced migration; strategies to connect with stakeholders and\/or established\nscholar-practitioners; and ideas about where the field of migration is headed\nin the next 10 years in terms of research needs, policymaker engagement, data\nrequirements, and public outreach.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erika Frydenlund, Old Dominion University; Michaela Hynie, York University; Susan McGrath, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop\n\/ Atelier<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Strengthening Integration Theories and Policies through Modeling & Simulation<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Social\nscience theory, including scholarly work on integration, has long suffered from\ndifficulty in assessing generalizability from one context to the next.\nQualitative studies that require significant time investment and local\nexpertise are particularly costly and difficult to replicate in other contexts\nto test the application of theory to other places, spaces, and populations.\nSimilarly, there are no practical means of testing policies before putting them\nin place or extending them to other communities. Modeling and Simulation\nprovides a potential means to test the robustness and generalizability of\nintegration theories, as well as experiment with scenarios to evaluate the\npotential unforeseen outcomes of policies before they are put into place. In this\nworkshop, we discuss the ways that modeling and simulation can advance\nintegration and forced migration theories and support policy development. In\nthe workshop, we center the discussion on the work of Hynie, Korn, and Tao\n(2016) in \u201cSocial context and social integration for Government Assisted\nRefugees in Ontario Canada.\u201d We work through this study to demonstrate how\nmodeling and simulation thinking works in a social science context. The\nworkshop will provide attendees with methodological skills to develop concept\nmaps of their policies, practices, and theories to improve communication across\ndisciplines with computer modeling and simulation experts to co-create\nknowledge. We will specifically work through the concerns that social\nscientists often have when working with computer simulationists, how these\nchallenges can be surmounted, and what simulation has to offer in terms of\ngrounding policy dialogues, helping large and small scale humanitarian\norganizations meet their long-term planning goals, and developing a methodology\nfor strengthening integration and forced migration research.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ranjith Kulatilake, York University; Rosemary Okoth, Black Coalition for AIDS Prevention; Isaac Kalule, Kennedy House Youth Services<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Safe in the \u2018Safe Haven\u2019? Listen to Us, LGBTIQ+ Newcomers, about Integration!<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

LGBTIQ+\nnewcomers include asylum seekers, refugee claimants, non-status people,\nconvention refugees and permanent residents. In their home countries they have\nfaced extreme torture, forced marriages, so called \u2018corrective rape\u2019, the death\nof their partners, public humiliation and death threats. They flee to Canada \u2013\nthe \u2018safe haven\u2019 – only to face additional daunting challenges: the extensive\ndocumentation required for refugee claims including proof of their sexual orientation,\nstrict deadlines, language barriers, social isolation, transphobia, homophobia,\nracism, abject poverty, along with barriers to safe housing, employment,\nhealthcare, and an intricate navigation of systems. They are expected to\n\u2018integrate\u2019 and be \u2018grateful\u2019 that Canada has given them \u2018protection\u2019. In this\npanel two young LGBTIQ+ newcomers and a racialized gay immigrant who works on\nthe frontline with LGBTIQ+ newcomers, will share their lived experiences of\nintegration. Questioning the mainstream notions of integration they will share\ntheir lived experiences of trauma, displacement and collective actions of\nreinventing their lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zehra Melike Palta, University of Toronto <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop\n\/ Atelier<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Photovoice as a method to explore the reflections of refugees on their lived experiences to bring about social change<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Refugees\nare subjected to various discourses in Canada portraying them as \u201cOther,\u201d\nvulnerable, dependent and lacking agency (Olsen et al. 2014). This problem is\nacute as \u2018\u2019 every refugee is suspected to be an illegitimate asylum seeker…a\n\u2018bogus\u2019 refugee [and]\u2026 as a national threat (Olsen et.al, 2014, pp.63)\u201d to\nCanada\u2019s culture and economy (Olsen et.al, 2014). Since the public have little\ndirect contact with refugees, their portrayal of refugees is shaped by dominant\ndiscourses and by the absence of opportunities that allow refugees to present\nthemselves and their experiences (Harindranath, & Guedes Bailey, 2005). As\nthe policies and resettlement programs aim to find strategies to integrate refugees,\nit is crucial to highlight refugees\u2019 voices regarding their concerns and needs\nrather than imposing issues on them and trying to solve these issues without\nhaving them become \u201cagents\u201d and have a \u201cvoice\u201d in the change.  Photovoice (Wang, 1999), a community-based\nparticipatory research method, is an effective method as it not only deviates\nfrom the supposition of refugees being \u2018\u2019passive\u2019\u2019 by empowering them through\nco-building and disseminating knowledge, but also as Freire indicates that \u2018\u2019\nthrough a collective process of reflection, introspection, and discussion of\nimages, communities [will be] able to uncover the social and political\nconstructions that maintain their marginalization (Freire,1972 as cited in\nLiebenberg, 2018, pp.3).\u2019\u2019 Hence, their critical consciousness will guide them\nin the last component of the photovoice method in which the researcher and the\nparticipants agree on the dissemination of findings that will highlight the\nissues and inform policymakers to bring about social change (Liebenberg, 2018).\nThe proposed workshop will explain the photovoice method further in detail and\nits applications. Workshop participants will be given the chance to discuss\ncertain photos related to integration using the SHOWeD method which asks the\nfollowing questions \u2018\u2019 a) What do you see \nhere? b)What is really happening \nhere? c) How does this relate to our lives? d) Why does this concern,\nsituation, or strength exist? e) How can we become empowered  through our new understanding? f) And, what\ncan we do (Wang, 1999 as cited in Liebenberg, 2018, pp.5 )?\u2019\u2019 This experience\nwill allow the conference participants to understand how the data will be\ncollected and how these questions will allow the research participants to\n\u201cidentify the problem or the asset, critically discuss the roots of the\nsituation, and develop strategies for improving the situation (Wang, 1999,pp.\n190).\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Liz Miller, Concordia University; St\u00e9phanie Gasana; Ayanda Dube; Gracia Jalea, Ward Museum<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Restorying Narratives of Displacement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Too\noften stories of forced migration or resettlement are told by those in\npositions of power. These stories are then translated into public opinions and\npolicies that can lead to exclusion or exploitation rather than support or\nintegration. One way to reflect on and challenge both policies and pathways to\nintegration is through the creation and circulation of first-person stories.\nHow can we facilitate creative processes to support the creation of\nfirst-person narratives that address refugee, indigenous and climate migration\nexperiences? What is the role of first-person stories in shifting how do we\ndefine, support and measure the integration of refugees into communities? And\nhow can we foster processes to think with first-person stories in the formation\nof policies, practices, and curricula? Mapping Memories, a multi-year project,\nI brought together Montreal-based educators, filmmakers, policy advocates,\norganizers, students, and youth to develop participatory media projects for\nyouth with refugee experience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chizuru Nobe-Ghelani, Brenda Polar, Sangyoo Lee,York University; Anh Ngo, Wilfrid Laurier University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

What does it mean to support the refugee integration on the stolen land?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npanel aims to centre the tensions and contradictions embedded in the discussion\nof Indigenous sovereignty and refugee integration in the context of white\nsettler Canada. The key question this panel addresses is: What does it mean to\nsupport refugee integration on the stolen land? Drawing on Indigenous\nscholarship, critical race scholarship, critical multiculturalism, critical\nborder scholarship and settler colonialism, the panelists reflect on the\npractice and research experience with refugee communities and examine how the\ninclusionary practices for refugee communities we promote are premised on\nIndigenous dispossession. Instead of proposing a clear direction for alliance\nbetween First Nations, Metis and Inuit people and refugees or \u201cdecolonization\u201d,\nthis panel acts as a conversational starter of difficult yet necessary topic\nthat is often unattended in refugee studies. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Madeleine Annette Pattis, Galya Ben-Arieh, Northwestern University; Tina Magazzini, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Research, European University Institute; Maissam Nimer, Sabanci University, Neil Bilotta, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Co-organizers: Dina Taha,\nYork University, Neil Bilotta, McGill University and Christina Clark-Kazak,\nUniversity of Ottawa<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Decolonizing Ethics: Politicized decision-making in labelling and categorization<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Research\nwith people in situations of forced migration poses particular ethical\nchallenges to academic researchers and practitioners. The traditional ethical\nprinciples maintained by formal entities such as research ethics boards (e.g.\nREB) and scholarly discourse regarding \u201cresearch ethics protocols\u201d are not only\nlimited in scope but in definition. For example, the underpinnings of research\nethics protocols vary according to culture, social location, and positionality.\nThis panel (1 of 2 proposed on this theme), will focus on power relations in\ndecision-making around labelling and categorization. Contributors will like\ntheir presentations to over-riding concerns about: decolonizing academic\nknowledge production; power and privilege in academic knowledge production; the\nshifting roles and identities of the researcher; the socio-economic realities\nof partnership organizations; and data ownership\/access, through an ethical\nlens or as ethical issues. A major objective is to strive for ethical paradigms\nthat a drive for a more meaningful and egalitarian dialogue with and for people\nin situations of displacement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Morgan Poteet, Giovanni Carranza, York University; Luis Carrillos, Hispanic Development Council, Toronto;  Veronica Escobar, Ryerson University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop\n\/ Atelier<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Where are they now? How did they get there? Learning from the experiences of the children of Central American Refugees in Toronto<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\nstudy is a partnership between the Hispanic Development Council and Morgan\nPoteet. The purpose of the study is to explore lived experience for the\nchildren of Central American refugees in Ontario over time. We are interested\nin the obstacles that the children of Central American refugees face growing up\nin Ontario and in early adulthood and how they respond. We also focus on\nopportunities and achievements, aspirations, and identity and belonging\nincluding transnational attachments. Our research approach involves learning\nfrom the retrospective accounts of the children of Central American refugees in\nOntario, who are now adults, to inform relevant policies and programming going\nforward. For this workshop, we will present preliminary findings and engage\nparticipants in a discussion about the implications of research for knowledge\nproduction about migrant populations and communities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

James C. Simeon, York University; Joseph Rikhof, University of Ottawa; Nancy Weisman, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada; Lorne Waldman, Lawyer; Panel Chairperson: Federal Court (Canada) Justice Russel Zinn <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Non-Integration and De-Integration of Migrants and Citizens<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Recent\nhistory has shown that whenever there has been a mass migration movement,\npeople have chosen Canada as a desirable place to settle and Canada, in turn,\nhas welcomed them. From such upheavals after the Second Word War, primarily\nwithin and from Europe, to similar events after the uprisings in Hungary in the\nfifties and Czechoslovakia in the sixties, to the refugees coming from Chile\nand South-East Asia in the seventies to the more recent events involving the\nlarge scale Mediterranean Sea voyages and overland passages into Europe in the\nlast few years, and still ongoing, to the very recent plight of the Rohingya\npeople arriving in Bangladesh, Canada has seen the very visible representations\nof these terrible events that have resulted in these mass forced displacements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\narrival of people within these mass migration movements has resulted in the\noverwhelming majority of the migrants being accepted as refugees, and, later as\nCanadian citizens. In the vast majority of cases, but, not in every instance,\nthere have been the exceptions to the rule that represent the most difficult\nlegal and moral questions. Within this context, two different groups can be\nreadily identified.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nfirst group consists of persons who after their arrival have come to the\nattention of the Canadian authorities and because of their background in their\nhome country or in Canada have become \u201cundesirable,\u201d usually because of serious\ncriminality. At this point, their integration into Canadian society will be\nhalted but, in some cases, the natural process of deporting them from Canada\ncannot be accomplished because of possible serious human rights violations in\ntheir country of origin. This stage of the hiatus in their integration process\ncan be termed \u201cinitial integration failure\u201d or \u201cnon-integration.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Secondly,\nthere is a later stage where integration becomes problematic, which can be\ntermed \u201clate integration failure\u201d or \u201cde-integration.\u201d This stage occurs when a\nperson, who has obtained permanent residence but not citizenship, engages in\nactivities which result in deportation proceedings, and, in the case of persons\nwho have obtained Canadian citizenship, but, lose their status either through\nvoluntary renunciation or forced revocation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npanel will examine the legal and policy aspects of both non-integration and\nde-integration as obstacles to the regular settlement and integration of\nmigrants, from their arrival in Canada to obtaining their citizenship.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Matthew Stevens, Lessons Learned Simulations and Training<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Workshop\n\/ Atelier<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Exploring integration in countries of first asylum through simulation-based trainings<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

For\npeople who cross international borders in search of safety, the struggle to\nintegrate into new communities is a global constant. Humanitarian workers,\nconversely, live and work in an increasingly isolated \u201caidland\u201d, having little\ncontact with the people they serve and members of the host community. The flow\nof information from \u201cbeneficiary\u201d to humanitarian breaks down; confusion,\nfrustration, suspicion, and antipathy arise among both groups. These dynamics\nlead to ill-devised interventions which, at best, do not address the needs of\nthe target population, and often can often be actively harmful with respect to\nintegration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A\nnew approach to training can help break this cycle. Simulation-based training\nmethodologies produce deeper understandings of situated knowledges,\ndecision-making processes, and the emotional and moral stakes of response\nscenarios. Simulations encourage critical engagement, reflection on accepted\nnorms, and provide \u201ca safe space to fail\u201d where new policies and practices can\nbe explored.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lessons\nLearned Simulations and Training is a new educational consulting group based\nout of Ottawa. Our educational programs are aimed at illustrating the effects\nof humanitarian isolationism and providing strategies to generate more direct,\nuseful contact between humanitarian workers, refugees, donors, and local\ngovernment. LLST employs a unique simulation-based methodology adapted from\nUNIGE professor Natasha Gill\u2019s \u201cIN-simulation\u201d approach to conflict negotiation\nstudies, modeling the social, political, and economic dynamics of an abstract\nhumanitarian crisis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nworkshop will consist of a short introduction to simulation-based\nmethodologies, followed by an interactive \u201cmicro-simulation\u201d to demonstrate the\nlearning experience.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dina Taha, York University; Erin Goheen Glanville, Simon Fraser University; Galya Ben-Ariah, Northwestern University; Jess Notwell, Yuriko Cowper-Smith, Leah Levac<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Co-organizers:<\/strong> Dina Taha, York University, Neil Bilotta, McGill University and Christina\nClark-Kazak, University of Ottawa<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Decolonizing Ethics: Critical reflections on research, power and privilege in forced migration scholarship<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Research\nwith people in situations of forced migration poses particular ethical\nchallenges to academic researchers and practitioners. The traditional ethical\nprinciples maintained by formal entities such as research ethics boards (e.g.\nREB) and scholarly discourse regarding \u201cresearch ethics protocols\u201d are not only\nlimited in scope but in definition. For example, the underpinnings of research\nethics protocols vary according to culture, social location, and positionality.\nThus, recognizing that: (a) the contemporary understanding and practice of\n\u201cresearch ethics\u201d is a product of a Euro-centric\/colonizing ideology; and (b)\nresearch with forced migrants poses particular ethical and methodological\nchallenges arising from the unequal power relations between the researcher and\nthe researched, the criminalization of migration, extreme vulnerability and\npoliticized research contexts among others, we invite scholars to engage with\nethical questions beyond REBs and to reimagine the meaning of ethical research\nand its implications. This panel provides some examples of ways in which\nresearchers have engaged methodologically with the ethics of doing research in\nforced migration.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Abstracts<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Kabir Abdulkareem, University of Kwazulu-Natal; Olayemi Bakre, Durban University of Technology <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Addressing the skill shortages in the South African Health Industry: Exploring an integration of Syrian-Refugee medical professionals<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Due\nto the multiplicity of migrant crisis, this paper focuses on skilled migrants\nwithin the Syrian health profession. Recent studies by the UNHCR has shown that\na significant portion of such skilled migrants are currently unemployed, nor\nhave they been able to put their skills to use. Considering the skills\nshortages in the South African health industry, this study thus explores the possibility\nof integrating the Syrian refugee (Health) professionals into the under-staffed\nSouth African health industry. In achieving this aim, textual analysis and\nreview of audited documents in alignment with this papers theme were reviewed.\nThe study emphasised that no assertive policies or stratagem have been enacted\nor devised by the South African government or non-governmental entities in\nintegrating such refugees. Furtherance to this, no comprehensive documentations\nof migrants competence are been considered at the point of integration by the\nDepartment of Home Affairs; which on its own represents a missed opportunity.\nAs an agendum to integrating skilled migrants regionally, nationally or\nlocally, the study advocates a comprehensive compilation of migrant\u2019s skills,\ncompetence and qualifications. Such useful data will not only be used for\ndecisive policies but could also be used to integrate or relocate or mix-match\nskilled migrants to regions across the globe where their services are needful.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tanya Aberman, Vernetta Avril, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Challenging Integration: Resistance through Education <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Youth\nliving with precarious immigration status face unique and often-insurmountable\nbarriers to pursuing post-secondary education. This integration issue is widespread\nacross the country, but it is overarchingly invisibilized, as these youth face\nfrustration, despair and increased marginalization, becoming derailed from\ntheir goals and isolated from their peers due to their immigration status.  However, persistent advocacy from affected\nyouth and allies, as well as the allocation of one-time funding, enabled the\ncreation of an access program for precarious status students in 2017, the first\nof it\u2019s kind in Canada. As a key part of the development of this program, my\nwork will focus on the counterspaces that the students are claiming within the\nuniversity by resisting their exclusion and connecting with other students.\nThis access to post-secondary education fuels students to challenge their\nmarginalization by rearticulating the discourses about themselves, redefining\nintegration and reinterpreting individualized challenges as systemic. While\nthis post-secondary access is only available at one institution, there are\nincreasingly discussion of expanding such initiatives across the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jean Roger Abessolo Nguema, Universit\u00e9 de Douala (Cameroun)\/ Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (Canada) <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Une perspective critique et postcoloniale des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s: \u00e9tude sur les sessions du Tribunal Permanent des Peuples (TPP)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Le\nTribunal Permanent des Peuples (TPP), cr\u00e9e en 1979, constitue un tribunal\nd’opinion. L’ objectif en est de \u00ab\u00a0restaurer l’autorit\u00e9 des peuples lorsque\nles \u00c9tats et les organisations internationales ont \u00e9chou\u00e9 \u00e0 prot\u00e9ger les droits\ndes peuples\u00a0\u00bb. A la suite de la session de Barcelone de juillet 2017\nportant sur l’appel \u00e0 l’examen de la politique anti-immigration adopt\u00e9e par\nl’Union Europ\u00e9enne (UE) et les pays membres, la session de Paris s’est tenue\nles 4 et 5 janvier 2018. Le th\u00e8me \u00ab\u00a0violation des droits humains des personnes\nmigrantes et r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et son impunit\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb retenu semble \u00e9largir la question\ndes populations autochtones \u00e0 la question de migrations. Dans quelle mesure\nl’\u00e9tude sur les sessions du TPP est-elle susceptible de sugg\u00e9rer une\nperspective critique et postcoloniales des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s? En  proc\u00e9dant \u00e0 une mise en perspective de deux\nsessions du TPP (Barcelone et Paris), il s’agira de voir comment l’institution\njudiciaire (le tribunal) s’est ouverte \u00e0 des enjeux, comme la sanction symbolique\nde l’UE et de la France \u00e0 Paris, des acteurs (populations autochtones et\nr\u00e9fugi\u00e9s notamment) et lieux marginaux (\u00e0 l’exemple de la M\u00e9diterran\u00e9e),\ninvisibles voire subalternes. Cela ne va pas sans luttes. L’acc\u00e8s de la\nquestion de migrations et celle des populations autochtones \u00e0 des audiences\nmultiples contribuera-t-elle \u00e0 l’application extraterritoriale du droit de la\nmigration? Cette \u00e9tude pose en termes renouvel\u00e9s le d\u00e9bat autour de\nl’int\u00e9gration, au sens d’\u00e9mergence des r\u00e9gimes de gouvernance mondiale\nprogressiste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anisa Abeytia, East Los Angeles College\/Stanford University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Active and Passive Integration in two Norwegian Cities, Mapping Syrian refugees\u2019 access to socio-spatiality<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Europe\ncurrently faces the challenge of integrating a large number of Syrian Muslim\nrefugees into their societies, the outcome of which will hold significant\nsocial and political implications for European countries for decades to come.\nThis exploratory study seeks to contribute to the literature on integration by\nutilizing space as a vector of social analysis to categorize the interactions\nbetween Syrian refugees, Norwegian locals and Non-Profit Organizations (NGOs)\nin two Norwegian cities. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nresearch identified access to socio-spatiality as an important aspect of a\nsuccessful integration process and in Norway activities centered around dugnad\n(community service) provided inclusive spaces for meaningful interaction\nbetween locals and refugees despite linguistic, cultural and religious\ndifferences. The use of social media, particularly Facebook, often acted as a\nconduit for the creation of digital kommunar\u2019s (community) and jama\u2019iya (Syrian\nnetworks) as a means of self-integration by connecting refugees with locals,\ninformation and resources. However, it was real world interaction between\nlocals, refugees and NGOs that provided opportunities for upward mobility by\nexpanding socio-spatiality to promote integration through the establishment of\nnetworks outside of immigrant communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Healthy\ndemocracies necessitate processes that promote inclusiveness to reduce conflict\nthat threaten democratic practices that serve to alienate and marginalize\nminority or majority groups. This study used both theoretical and empirical\nlenses to examine the integration programs occurring in two Norwegian cities,\nwhich may provide a framework and new context to understand integration. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Philip Ackerman, Ruth Damdar, Seneca College <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Navigating the Divide<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe Canadian context, the settlement experiences of newcomer youth are often\nstructured by marginalization and exclusion. Within this discussion, newcomers\nmay include: convention refugees, refugee claimants, people in the process of\nobtaining permanent residence through Humanitarian and Compassionate ground\napplications or sponsorship applications, and non-status residents. I will take\nan intersectional approach to explore the ongoing and emerging barriers that\nnewcomer youth encounter when navigating post-secondary education in Ontario,\nCanada, and how these barriers are perpetuated by exclusionary and\ncontradictory ideologies and capitalist systems within the neo-liberal academy.\nThe goal of this research is to uncover these disparities and gain a better\nunderstanding of how they intersect with the immigration status and newcomer\nexperience of students. Overall, I hope to add meaningful context to\nconversations of access and inclusion at the post-secondary level, and ensure\nthat diverse newcomer identities are present and valued within these\nconversations. This analysis will be greatly informed by the author’s own\nexperience working at both a grassroots, community-based refugee centre in\nToronto, as well as at a post-secondary institution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nafees Ahmad, South Asian University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration: Diversifying the Refugee Integration and Expanding the Grounds for Asylum beyond the Durable Solutions<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nglobal refugee regime has been enduring redundancies with current trends of\nmigration that is complex and incompatible with the existing frameworks. It is\na regime that has been bracing perennial reluctance of continents and countries\nalike. The rejectionist governments of both Global North and Global South with\nvarying degrees have been adopting hard-headed strategies of tough border\ncontrols, erecting border detention enclosures, interdiction, push-back border\npolicies, discouraging economic migration and hasty return of illegal\nimmigrants and striking grotty repatriation deals to pre-empt potential\nmigrants not to leave their country of origin. Therefore, there is an emerging\nglobal realization to diversify the refugee integration, to expand the grounds\nfor asylum beyond the hubris of contested durable solutions and address the\ninternational migration crisis as approbated by the Global Compact for Safe,\nOrderly and Regular Migration (GCM) which acknowledges the normativity of human\nright to migration. The protection provisions, safety valves and migration\ncommitments evolved in the GCM are global but many governments have precisely\npreferred to do the opposite that does not create an inspiring environment for\na sensible global migration policy. Further, many governments perceive GCM is a\nhumbuggery that suffers from toothlessness and legal vacuum. Thus, majority of\nthe national governments are not ready for hard commitments on migration.  However, strategies and practices framed to\nexclude forced migrants are somewhat well-integrated at the national and\ninternational level and their efficacy for systematic exclusion is partially\nreinforced by deliberate fragmentation of classifications of global migration.\nHowever, there is a well-integrated policy, though unwritten, of exclusion and\nrestrictions on human mobility in the SAARC jurisdictions which is based on\ncaste, culture, ethnicity, intolerance, race, religion, country of origin,\npolitical opinion, social origin, gender, LGBTQI orientation religion-driven\npolicies and other incidental reasons causing irregular migration. However, the\nSAARC judiciaries have developed the refugee and migrant friendly\nconstitutionalism and jurisprudence. But, unfortunately, the rejectionist\ngovernments of SAARC jurisdictions are recalcitrant in adhering to\nconstitutional mandate, judicial dicta and international human rights\nobligations. Thus, the instant paper critically and cumulatively examines\nnational laws, case law, state policies and state practices of SAARC region\nrelating to the integration of refugees in the countries and communities while\ntesting the boundaries of Global North and Global South governance regimes on\ninternational migration in the wake of GCM agreement. The paper analyses the\npost-colonial perspective of citizenship in South Asia in the wake of emergence\nof the far-right political narrative that rest on advancing the exclusion of\nrefugees and migrants. The paper also highlights perennial conflict between the\nnarratives of unity and diversity coxswained by the diverse political groups.\nIt also evaluates the SAARC political boundaries for regional harmonization and\nsynchronization of state laws, state practices and state case law in\ndiversifying refugee integration and expanding the grounds of asylum beyond the\nconventional trajectory of durable solutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sharry Aiken, Queen’s University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Detention Abolition for the \u00ab\u00a0Hard\u00a0\u00bb Cases<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Both\ndomestic and international legal norms and \u201csoft law\u201d guidelines have affirmed\na commitment to ending the detention of children and are increasingly promoting\n\u201calternatives to detention\u201d for asylum seekers and \u201cordinary\u201d refugees.\nHowever, concerns about the use of preventive detention in the \u201cpublic safety\u201d\ncontext for migrants who are neither children nor refugees has not received\nadequate attention in these reform efforts. My paper proposes to address the\ncase for detention abolition for the \u201chard\u201d cases \u2013 the individuals who may be\nsubject to exclusion or removal based on their alleged criminality or \u201crisk\u201d\nposed to Canada\u2019s security. Building on the work of Costello (2015), I offer a\ncritical analysis of the legal grounds in Canada\u2019s Immigration and Refugee\nProtection Act that are deployed to justify detention in these hard cases; and\ninterrogate the reasons typically advanced by border officials and adjudicators\nfor continued detention. The overarching aim of the paper will be to\ndeconstruct the policy discourse that renders the legitimacy of detention\ncontingent on the presence of specific vulnerabilities and\/or mobility pathway;\nand to reformulate the case for detention abolition as both a practical and\nreasonable policy response to the growing challenges of human mobilities in the\ndecades ahead.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marshia Akbar, York University; Gabrielle D\u00e9silets, Concordia University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Significance of Local Knowledge and Practices in Refugee Settlement: A Neighborhood Initiative in Montreal, Canada<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nnumbers of refugees and their social characteristics significantly vary in\ndifferent urban locations in Ontario and Quebec. These variations point towards\nthe significance of local knowledge and practices in facilitating their\nsettlement in cities which have  distinct\nmigration histories and policies. Funded by the \u2018Building Migrant Resilience in\nCanadian Cities\u2019 research partnership (SSHRC 2016-2021), this presentation\nbuilds on an analysis of the 2016 census to compare the trends in refugee\nmigration and settlement in seven metropolitan areas: Toronto, Ottawa-Gatineau,\nKitchener-Waterloo, Windsor, Montreal, Sherbrooke, and Quebec City. This\ncomparative analysis emphasizing the locational variations will be complemented\nby a case study of a local initiative to foster inclusive and welcoming\nneighbourhood for refugees and immigrants in Montreal. The project titled\n\u201cDocumenting the initiative Vivons nos quartiers\u201d investigates stakeholders\u2019\nexperience in developing inclusive practices, through training, partnership and\ncommunities of practice. This presentation will also provide preliminary\nfindings from semi-structured and photovoice interviews to assess migrant\u2019s and\nfront-line workers\u2019 perception of welcoming attitudes and practices in their\nneighbourhood. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bree Akesson, Kearney Coupland, Wilfrid Laurier University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Seeking Safety, Finding Fear: Syrian Families\u2019 Experiences of (Im)Mobility and the Implications for Children and Family Rights<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Despite\na shared history of taking in each other’s war-affected populations, the\nGovernment of Lebanon\u2019s response to the Syrian refugee crisis has shifted from\nthat of hospitality and protection to refusing to officially recognize\ndisplaced Syrians as refugees and imposing other restrictive policies that make\neveryday life a challenge for Syrian families. These actions have an impact\nupon the basic human rights of these families. Drawing upon data from research\nwith 46 Syrian families, this presentation describes how Syrian family movement\nis restricted, identifies the multiple and interrelated factors that contribute\nto immobility, and explores how restricted mobility can compromise children,\nfamily, and human rights. The presentation concludes with a discussion about\nthe intended and unintended consequences of policies and practices that impact\nthe everyday lives of Syrian families. The impact of the arrival of a large\nnumber of Syrian refugees has reshaped Lebanon. The fact that Lebanon\u2019s\ninfrastructure is stretched thin should not be trivialized. One solution is the\nprovision of services such as health care and education that are not just\nintended for Syrians, but also for local Lebanese children. Other policy\nimplications include considering the design of refugee spaces that encourage\nhealthy mobility, keeping in mind the importance of garnering the input of the\nchildren and families to they create spaces that are liveable and based on\ntheir own terms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bree, Akesson, Dena Badawi,  Wilfrid Laurier University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 \u201cMy Heart Feels Chained\u201d: The Effects of Economic Precarity on Syrian Refugee Parents Living in Lebanon<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Lebanon\ncurrently hosts over one million refugees from neighboring Syria. Within this\ncontext, Syrian families face high rates of poverty, burdensome governmental\npolicies and regulations, a lack of affordable housing, food insecurity, and\nfamily violence and harmful cultural practices. Exacerbated by displacement,\nthese vulnerabilities have a destabilizing effect on parents, who are\nstruggling to meet their individual and families\u2019 needs in a low-resource and\ninhospitable environment. This chapter explores how Syrian families\u2019\nintegration into the local Lebanese host community, with a specific focus on\nhow parents experience daily economic challenges that can significantly affect\ntheir ability to adequately care for their children. Data from 46 Syrian\nrefugee families revealed that parents\u2019 feelings of parental adequacy were tied\nto their ability to provide for their children. Lebanese policies that prevent\nsuccessful integration and parents\u2019 feelings of inadequacy contributed to an\nongoing cycle of poverty for families. Increased stress upon family members\nmanifested in negative mental\/physical health consequences or family members\nnot being able to work, thereby pushing families further into economic\nprecarity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yukari Ando, Osaka University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Access to justice for asylum seekers in international law<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nright to access to justice for asylum seekers is an increasingly significant\narea of the protection of international law in international society. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding\naccess to a court, the first question to be asked is whether there is a right\nof access to judicial review of a failed asylum seeker, when the application\nhas been refused under normal administrative procedures? This question should\nbe discussed in conjunction with the rights to due process and fair trial.\nHowever, these rights have not been interpreted so as to grant protection from\nforced removal or further access to judicial review for failed asylum seekers .\nSecond question to be asked is whether there is a right to due process when the\nfailed asylum seeker faces deportation to the country of origin or s\/he is put\ninto detention centre? Third question to be asked is whether there are any\nrestrictions on the failed asylum seeker to communicate with the outsiders,\nparticularly her\/his attorney-at-law? In the author\u2019s opinions, the courts\nshould be an effective body to protect human rights for everybody not only the\nnationals but also all the persons whom in the territory such as non-nationals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sedef Arat-Koc, Ryerson University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

First Do No Harm: Interrogating Western Foreign Policy, Decolonizing Refugee Studies<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper proposes two analytical steps towards decolonization of refugee studies\nand dominant refugee discourses. One step is to identify and critique its\nEuro\/West centrism. The other is to question and challenge the curious and\nconspicuous gap (which we may call a \u201cparallax gap\u201d) between refugee studies\nand study of international politics, specifically the impact of Western foreign\npolicies around the world. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regardless\nof the specific analytical perspective they are informed by (conservative,\nliberal or neo-Marxist) or the political position they may express (pro- or\nanti-refugee), refugee studies and discourses share a Euro\/West centric outlook\nand concerns, focusing on nation-state specific arguments and concerns regarding\nwhether to accept or reject entry to asylum seekers\/refugees. Ironically, but\nperhaps not surprisingly, the Euro\/West centrism in refugee studies and\ndiscourse goes side by side with an academic and political blindness regarding\nthe relationship between Western foreign policy and the factors that lead to\nrefugee movements. The absence of such analysis has become especially\nconspicuous in the post-Cold War period. In this period, even though critical\nscholarship and discourse in refugee studies has to some extent addressed the\nimpacts of economic globalization, they have not addressed the ways in which\nWestern politics have been implicated in the wars and conflicts that have\nresulted in mass displacement. The paper argues that the absence of discussion\non foreign policy in turn feeds the Euro\/West centrism in refugee studies,\nperpetuating the dominant notion that refugee admission on the part of Western\nstates is simply an act of charity \u2013which may be extended or denied.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayar Ata, London South Bank University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Transnational migration, integration and identity<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

To\nunderstand the Kurdish diaspora in London requires answering two interrelated\nquestions about the history of Kurdish forced migration and Kurdish cultural\nidentity. Thus, this book first examines the history of Kurdish forced\nmigration and displacement, exploring a common historical argument that\npositions the Kurds as powerless victims of WW1. To this end, it looks\ncritically at the post-WW1 era and the development of the modern nation state in\nthe Middle East, particularly Turkey, Iraq and Syria. This first part sets out\nthe context for explaining and gaining a better understanding of the systematic\nsocio-political marginalisation that led to the forced migration of the Kurds\nfrom the 1920s onwards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Secondly,\nthis book evaluates the integration experiences of some members of the Kurdish\ndiaspora in London who have settled in the city since the 1990s.  Furthermore, this part attempts to describe\nthe shifting position of the Kurds from victims in the Middle East, following\ntrends around ethnic integration, to their negotiations of multiculturalism in\nLondon. This capital city has historically held a promise and attraction for\nmany migrants of becoming Londoners, and this now includes Kurdish-Londoners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Idil Atak, Lorielle Giffin, Ryerson University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The human rights of forced migrants in Canada through the lens of the UN Treaty Bodies<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npresentation is based on a critical analysis of the individual complaints made\nagainst Canada before three United Nations Treaty Bodies -Human Rights\nCommittee, Committee against Torture and Committee on the Elimination of\nDiscrimination against Women- from 2008 to 2018. Complaints were found using\nthe \u2018Treaty Bodies Search\u2019 function available on the United Nations Human\nRights Office of the High Commissioner website. The vast majority of the\ncomplaints analysed were introduced by forced migrants challenging deportation\norders against them. Some recent complaints also denounce Canada\u2019s use of\nsocioeconomic deterrents against undocumented migrants. Indeed, Canada has\nincreasingly restricted refugees\u2019 and undocumented migrants\u2019 human rights over\nthe past decade. However, it is argued that litigation before the three UN\nCommittees has been instrumental in resisting some of these policies and\ndecisions that impact negatively the life, safety and security of forced\nmigrants. Against this backdrop, it is further held that the UN Committees\u2019\nrole has been twofold: On the one hand, migrants\u2019 integration in Canada, including\ntheir family ties, has been used successfully by lawyers and civil society\norganizations as a major argument when deportation orders and rights\u2019\nrestrictions were challenged. On the other hand, the UN Committee decisions\nhighlight the need to protect the human rights of forced migrants as an\neffective way to promote their successful integration in Canada.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olayemi Bakre, Durban University of Technology <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Transforming the European Migrant Crisis into Rural Developmental Opportunities: The case of Latvia <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nEuropean migrant crisis has been accentuated as the most momentous challenge\nthe European Union has faced since its establishment in 1993. The magnitude of\nthis migration crisis is been amplified by political instability in the middle\neast, wars, limited economic opportunities and climate change. Migration\nanalyst have viewed this \u2018polycrisis\u2019 from an optimistic and pessimist\nperspective. The paper however pursues that of optimism and explores how the\nintegration of skilled political migrants can be integrated into shrinking\nLatvian communities with an agendum to transforming the economically stagnated\nrural communities into viable rural spaces. The researcher interviewed 91\nimmigrants from nine countries to gain an insight into perception of political\nmigrants amongst other variables. Furthermore, inductive and deductive\napproaches were used in synthesizing pertinent information from official\nrecords and reports on the above subject matter. A core emphasis of the paper\nwas that \u2013 the shrinking population of Latvia will adversely impede its future\neconomic development. Hence, the paper advocates a systematic integration of\nskilled political migrants into the Latvian rural economy as an agendum to\naccelerating rural development. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ranu Basu, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Educational Integration in a Tri-City Context \u2013 Post-Colonial perspectives<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

What\nrole does education play in thinking through questions of integration within\nthe broader terrain of forced migration? \nHow does the production of knowledge within state based institutional\nframings facilitate or negate the broader project of inclusionary democratic\nsocieties for those most marginalized by displacement? This paper explores\npolicy trajectories in three state-based school systems (Toronto, Havana,\nKolkata) related to settlement discourses and integration policies. The\ntri-city context, each experiencing histories of displacement in particular\nways within post-colonial legacies, offers modes of governing the urban realm\nthrough educational initiatives.  The\nsuccess and challenges of a few of these initiatives will be explored. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Galya Ben-Arieh, Northwestern University; Jessica Darrow, University of Chicago<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Long-Term Resettlement in Chicago: Reflections on Lessons Learned & Methods from a Pilot Study<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Understanding\nthe long-term outcomes of the U.S. Refugee Resettlement program has been\ncomplicated by the lack of government data and difficulties of recruiting\nrefugee study participants. Over the past 40 years, qualitative refugee\nresettlement studies of the impacts of the resettlement program have become\nlimited by understandings informed by the five year focus of the 1980 U.S.\nRefugee Act program review requirements and sets of questions that equate\nintegration with economic \u201cself-sufficiency.\u201d More recently, scholars have\nsought to develop new quantitative methods to approximate long-term resettled\nrefugee outcomes using census data. Such studies lack the contextual\nunderstandings needed to inform policy-making for a diverse resettled refugee\npopulation. This article provides a reflective analysis of the authors\u2019 process\nin seeking to overcome the shortcomings of prior research through a\nlongitudinal pilot study of long-term refugee resettlement in Chicago. The\narticle has the dual purpose of offering lessons learned from the challenges\nthe authors\u2019 faced in implementing this research project as well as reflections\nfrom the authors on how these lessons have been incorporated into their ongoing\npractice. The pilot study itself was intended to test and hone a set of data\ncollection instruments, one of which was designed by the authors and the other\nadapted by the authors from a previously validated instrument. Our experience\nand findings lead us to ask a set of questions about how else we can come to\nlearn and know about long term resettlement. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Galya Ben-Arieh, Northwestern University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Modeling a University- Community knowledge commons in support of refugee and asylee well-being and potential<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Our\npaper presents a pilot of a methodological approach to participatory research\nand engaged scholarship, the Knowledge Hub, a University- Community partnership\nwhere students, refugees and volunteers work together to create community\nresources and support adult refugee and asylee participants with career coaching,\nfinancial literacy, and mentorship. During the process of working together, we\nraise questions about survival strategies, long-term aspirations and priorities\nfor higher education or certification and consider ways to shift from survival\nto investment in the future. The project developed out of a community wide\nworkshop to address challenges and opportunities to support refugee and asylee\nadults who are experiencing housing instability in the Evanston neighborhood.\nAlthough the research is broadly defined around ways to shift from the\nshort-term survival strategies to investment in future potential and\nwell-being, research is modeled as a knowledge commons, a shared space of\npolycentric inquiry and knowing within a community who share a concern about a research\nsubject (Garnett Jr. 2012). Participants share experience and expertise to\ncontribute to questions and concepts that we should know more about such as\n\u201cborrowing\u201d and \u201csocial services\u201d that are generally assumed in government\nrefugee resettlement survey questions. Through the project, participants\ncontribute to reimagining traditional ethical principles of consent,\nconfidentiality, no harm\u2026etc.) using their own ways of knowing. More broadly,\nthe study seeks to inform policy makers and service providers and develop\nalternative approaches to resettlement that can better address ongoing cycles\nof poverty in the resettled refugee population through the attainment of higher\neducation or certification and impact investing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Amar Bhatia, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Interrogating Integration at the Intersection of Indigeneity and Migration. Some Perspectives<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npanel will assess some of the concerns raised in scholarly literature around\nthe intersection of Indigeneity and migration generally, as well as alongside\nthe theme of interrogating ‘integration’. The scholarly debates arise from\nsocial movements and lived experiences that ground theory and also frame new\nexperiences. The different speakers will reflect on these themes and the\nintersection (or lack thereof) between Indigeneity and migration in their own\nfields of: legal research & teaching in immigration, refugee, and property law;\nthe practice of refugee law & transnational gender-based violence visited\non colonized peoples and, especially, women; and the experiences of migrant\nworkers and migrant work organizers on Indigenous lands and with Indigenous\nlaws and peoples. All three speakers are working in these different and\noverlapping areas to highlight the relationship between Indigenous peoples,\nlands, and immigrant, refugee, migrant, and non-status peoples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neil Bilotta, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Decolonizing Research Ethics in Kakuma Refugee Camp  <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Situated in a postcolonial\ntheoretical approach, this data-driven paper explores two commonly cited\nresearch ethics principles\u2014respect for persons and beneficence\u2014from the\nperspectives of refugee young people living in Kakuma refugee camp. The paper\nillustrates an incongruity between how these ethical codes are acknowledged in\nacademic scholarship\/research ethics boards and research participants in\nKakuma. While privileging the perspectives of refugee young people and\nsituating ethics at the centre of research, it became apparent that these\nresearch principles were Eurocentric in nature. Furthermore, this manuscript\nposits that researchers and research ethics boards should consider adopting a\ndecolonizing process towards research ethics to potentially redress some of the\nincongruence. This paper attempts to create dialogue between researchers while\n(a) identifying the misalignment between research ethics protocols and\nparticipants in Kakuma and (b) initiating\/continuing decolonizing practices that\nchallenge the inherent power inequities between researchers and research\nparticipants, particularly in formerly colonized contexts. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alexandra Blanchard, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

More Than a Game? Exploring Sport’s Role in Refugee and Asylum-Seeker Settlement in Glasgow, Scotland<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

When\nwe think of defining, supporting and\/or appraising the integration of refugees\ninto communities, exploring their participation in sport may not be the first\nthing that comes to mind. However, there is a strong case for turning to the relationship\nbetween refugees and sport when seeking to understand experiences of refugee\nintegration and social inclusion. This is due to the fact that sport is a key\nsite for civic participation and is a space through which the politics of\nidentity, belonging and citizenship are constantly negotiated. My thesis, \u2018More\nthan a Game? Exploring the Role of Sport\u2019s in Refugee and Asylum-Seeker\nSettlement in Glasgow, Scotland\u2019, critically reflects on the potential role\nsport interventions play in (re)producing inclusionary and\/or exclusionary\nexperiences for refugees and asylum-seekers throughout the settlement process.\nSpecifically, it examines the experiences of 10 male refugee and asylum-seeking\nparticipants in a grassroots, community football club \u2013 United Glasgow FC.\nDrawing on fieldwork carried out in Glasgow, Scotland from May \u2013August 2017, I\nsuggest sporting arenas do offer promising potential for the facilitation of\nrefugees and asylum-seeker settlement; however, the extent to which settlement\nis facilitated relies heavily on the conditions of the sport program itself and\nthe local context. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nimo Bokore, Carleton University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Emerging Voices Project: Syrian Newcomers’ Perspective on Canada’s Three Sponsorship Programs<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\nproject funded by Social Sciences and Humanities Research Counsel (SSHRC)\ninvolved focus group discussions individual interviews with Syrian newcomers\n(N=164) in three key arrival cities in Ontario: London, Ottawa, and Toronto.\nThis paper presents the findings from the Ottawa site (n=45) which includes the\nperspectives of service providers with a particular focus on the strengths and\nlimitations of each sponsorship program and the contextual factors that shape\nthe newcomers’ experiences in the three sponsorship programs. Policy and practice\nrecommendations will focus on reducing the vulnerability and enhancing\nresilience to improve newcomers’ successful (re)settlement and quality of life.\nIt will also address the role that volunteers from community organizations and\nthe wider public had in the successful resettlement process of refugees\nbelonging to each of the three categories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Suzanne Bonfils, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

China and the North Korean Refugee Crisis: State Sovereignty and the Dangers of ‘Strategic Ambivalence’<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In recent years, a veritable North Korean refugee crisis has emerged. Since 1990, the number of North Korean migrants escaping the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) has soared. Despite the fact that North Koreans often express a preference for South Korea as a host country, almost all defectors hide at some point in China, where more than 50,000 are currently living. However, China has generally avoided taking them in; this paper aims to explain and evaluate the impact of China\u2019s decision, as well as the key role the country has had in the perpetuation of the crisis. This paper will explore 1) how the limitations of the international legal norms protecting North Korean defectors have allowed China to repeatedly deny them the status of \u201crefugee\u201d; 2) the various geopolitical factors behind the country’s unwillingness to provide significant aid to North Korean refugees, including, international norms, security concerns, and domestic pressures; and 3) the consequences of this decision in regards to both regional and international actors, such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gianluca Bortoletto, University of Birmingham <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Asylum seekers and public expenditure in the host countries<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Our\npaper will focus on the impact of asylum seekers inflows on the public\nexpenditure in the European countries. We will separate the asylum seekers in\nfive major groups corresponding to the geographical areas. The impact of asylum\nseekers on public expenditure will be assessed at country level and we will use\ndata on the population growth, corruption and violence indicators as causes to\ninduce inflows of refugees in the destination countries. Our findings show a\nnot significant effect of asylum requests on the fiscal variables of the\ndestination countries over the period 2003-15.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Megan Bradley, Merve Erdilmen, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Speaking of rights: Protection norms, rights-talk and the International Organization for Migration (IOM)<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nscholarship on the development, diffusion and implementation of international\nnorms, international organizations are often assumed to be protagonists in\nthese processes, persuading states to acknowledge and uphold established and\nemerging norms. Less is known about how and why IOs develop their own normative\ncommitments, particularly when these aren’t formally mandated. We illuminate\nthis issue through a detailed exploration of the evolving discourse, policies\nand programs of the International Organization for Migration (IOM),\nparticularly in relation to humanitarian and human rights norms. We draw on\ninterviews with IOM staff, member states, human rights advocates and\nhumanitarians, as well as content and discourse analyses of IOM leaders’\nspeeches, press releases and policies, to explain how IOM evolved from having\nno formal protection mandate and an aversion to \u00ab\u00a0rights-talk,\u00a0\u00bb to the\nmore systematic integration of human rights and humanitarian principles into\nits work, and recent efforts to claim an institutional protection mandate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rosa Solorzano, CCR Youth Network Core Group Co-chair &  Denis Njoki, Toronto Branch Leader<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Newcomer Youth Civic Engagement Project: Activating Local Youth Network Branches of the Canadian Council for Refugees Youth Network<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\nproject focuses on providing refugee and newcomer youth with the necessary\nskills and tools to engage and take leadership on issues of concern to them;\nincreasing commitment and capacity of Canadian Council for Refugee (CCR)\nmembers and other NGOs to support newcomer youth engagement and leadership in a\nyouth-led perspective; and strengthening and making sustainable the Canadian\nCouncil for Refugees National Youth Network. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nproject is taking shape through the Local Youth Network Branches; hubs where\nnewcomer youth develop their leadership skills and motivate other newcomer\nyouth to get involved and together strategize around issues that newcomer youth\nare facing. Branches also facilitate youth engagement with organizations that\nserve newcomer youth in order to make their services more engaging and relevant\nto newcomer youth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Presenters\nwill share their projects in activating the Youth Network Branch in Toronto,\nOntario  and how it is connected to the\nlarger national Youth Network. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Talatu Buba Bello, Taraba State University, Jalingo <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Integration among the Michika Displaced Women in the Jalingo Metropolis, North Eastern Nigeria<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Nigeria\nin recent time has experienced devastating \nsecurity challenges caused by insurgency in the north east, religious\nconflicts, Fulani herdsmen and farmers clashes among others. These has resulted\nin loss of lives and properties and unprecedented humanitarian tragedy in the\nform internally displaced persons. The fast growing number, pattern and\nmanagement of internal displacement in Nigeria has taken on a worrying\nintensity. While Integration process of the displaced population from the North\neast (Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe state) in the Jalingo metropolis is a herculean\ntask before government and other stake holders, what is strikingly different is\nthe integration process of the Michika women owing to their group life and\nspecial trading skills,  these however\nare not without some challenges as they often face problems of suspicion and\nlack of mutual trust. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\nis against this backdrop that this study attempts to examine integration\nprocess among the Michika displaced women in the study area. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Geoffrey Cameron, Baha’i Community of Canada, Office of Public Affairs <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Evolution of Private Sponsorship<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper argues that the institutional framework of private refugee sponsorship\nemerged during the post-war period, as a product of negotiation between\nreligious groups and officials in the Immigration Department. These<\/p>\n\n\n\n

contingent,\ncooperative arrangements to resettle displaced people became path dependent\nover time, through an iterative series of negotiations between religious groups\nand officials during the 1950s and 1960s. By the time private sponsorship\nbecame recognized in law with the 1976 Immigration Act, it had already been in\npractice for almost three decades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

John Carlaw, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 From Neoconservative Multiculturalism to Something Worse? The Devolving Approach of the Conservative Party of Canada to (Im)migration and Belonging in Canada Since 2016 <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nits relatively short time as a political party, both before and during its time\nin office (2008-2015) the Conservative Party of Canada and government embarked\nupon an often contradictory project of political outreach and policies of\nexclusion (one which this author has labelled one of Kenneyism and\nneoconservative multiculturalism) when it came to its treatment of\n(im)migrants, refugees and \u201cethnic Canadians\u201d as it sought to win and maintain\noffice and exercise power.  In part due\nto public exhaustion with some of the government\u2019s most exclusionary policies\nand political rhetoric the Conservatives were defeated in the 2015 election,\nalthough they still maintain a substantial level of support. This presentation\nconsiders the party\u2019s discourses and policy stances since the 2015 election,\nincluding its 2017 leadership contest, vocal opposition to Motion M-103, 2018\npolicy convention and approach to refugee claims in the context of US President\nDonald Trump and rise of the far right in order to identify shifts in the\nConservatives\u2019 approach to questions of (im)migration and belonging in the\nCanadian context.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

John Carlaw, Project Lead
Syria Response and Refugee Initiative, Edwar Dommar, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Building a Welcoming Campus and Engaging the Community on Refugee and Newcomer Issues at York University <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Begun\nin Fall 2015 and ending in April 2019, the York University Syria Response and\nRefugee Initiative (SRRI) has led York’s participation in the Pan-GTA Ryerson\nUniversity Lifeline Syria Challenge to sponsor Syrian refugees, provided\nexperiential learning opportunities for and helped mobilize and work with York\nstudents to promote awareness of refugee issues amongst themselves and the\nwider community, particularly through its Refugees Welcome Here! Campaign. This\ninitiative has engaged at least 18 student groups in programming related to\nsponsorship and\/or awareness-raising. These activities range from conducting\nwinter clothing drives for a local refugee centre, carrying out full weeks of\nrefugee-awareness raising events, to fundraising for sponsor teams and the\nuniversity’s local WUSC Committee to help pay off and advocate for the end of\nrefugee transportation loans. Of particular note have been a \u00ab\u00a0From\nAdversity to Action\u00a0\u00bb day of activities for newcomer youth and allies on\nSaturday, January 28th, 2017, co-hosting 2018 Canadian Council for Refugees\nYouth Network National Action Gathering with the Keele Campus WUSC Committee\nand local York branch of Amnesty International and annual participation on the\nCity of Toronto’s Refugee Rights Month planning committee from 2016-2018.  This joint presentation will provide staff and\nstudent perspectives on how this ambitious set of programming has been achieved\nand might be replicated elsewhere.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wendy Chan, Simon Fraser University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Canada’s New Enemy – The non-resident pregnant woman<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Citizenship\nrights by birth has been politicized in Canada, with some arguing that this\nwill be the new frontlines of the battleground on immigration issues. There is\nmuch speculation as to the extent of the problem, and concomitantly, how best\nto resolve the \u201ccrisis\u201d that is developing. Arguments for reforms to the\nCitizenship Act, specifically restricting access to citizenship for children\nborn in Canada to non-residents and non-citizens, is based on the belief that\n\u201canchor babies\u201d undermine Canada\u2019s citizenship policies and takes advantage of\nCanadians\u2019 generosity. On the other hand, those opposed to limiting citizenship\nclaim that the number of citizenship by births overall are exaggerated, and the\ncost of policy changes is not warranted for a problem that is not deemed\nsignificant. This paper examines the panic of \u201cbirth tourism\u201d by exploring how\nthe issue of birthright citizenship has been constructed in the mainstream news\nmedia through a focus on the players involved, the language used to speak about\nthe issue and the solutions proposed. I argue that the \u201cpanic\u201d over citizenship\nrights by birth is marked by underlying themes of racism and xenophobia,\nreflecting prevailing anxieties about racialized outsiders (once again)\nthreatening the fantasy of a White Canada.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Christina Clark-Kazak, University of Ottawa<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Interrogating inter-generational relationships in integration policy and reality in Canada<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper challenges the individual-focused nature of much of Canada’s immigration\npolicy and situates newcomers within family, household and community\nstructures. In particular, it uses the notion of social age to interrogate\ninter-generational relationships and how these relationships affect integration\noutcomes. The paper starts with a textual analysis of Canadian immigration\npolicy to demonstrate how these intergenerational relationships are either\nabsent or under-estimated in much of Canadian immigration policy. It then\njuxtaposes this policy context with empirical evidence from the secondary\nliterature, which shows how intergenerational relationships affect integration\noutcomes across the generation spectrum. It concludes with some recommendations\nfor policy and programming, as well as future research directions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gabriele Cloeters, Istanbul Policy Center (Sabanci University-Mercator Foundation Initiative) <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Healthcare Access for Syrian Refugees in Turkey: A Gender-Sensitive Perspective<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Turkey\ncurrently hosts 3.6 million Syrian refugees. Their access to healthcare has\nbeen a primary concern for both state and non-state institutions. Half of the Syrian\nrefugees are women. Their access to gender-specific healthcare provisions such\nas support in cases of gender-based violence and non-discriminative\nreproductive healthcare are crucial aspects that affect their wellbeing. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\npaper will discuss the findings of a one-day workshop on healthcare access for\nSyrian refugees with a gender-sensitive perspective. The workshop was conducted\nwith 19 participants comprising a broad variety of key stakeholders that\nfacilitate Syrian refugees access to healthcare including Syrian and Turkish\nNGO members, independent public health experts and medical professionals.\nPrimilary findings show that even if legal regulations ensure access to basic\nhealth services- the Law on Foreigners and Refugees released in 2014 outlines\nthe details regarding Syrian refugees\u2019 access to healthcare- language\nlimitations, mobility restrictions, and discrimination against Syrians are key\nfactors influencing their access. Evaluating the data collected during the\nworkshop this paper discusses institutional, structural, and societal problems\nto accessing healthcare, initiatives that facilitate access, continuing or\nemergent problems in the healthcare system, and the implications for Syrian\nrefugee women. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nworkshop findings will be evaluated to make concrete recommendations toward\nestablishing guidelines that facilitate refugee women\u2019s access to healthcare\nand to contribute to broader discussions on gender-sensitive approaches\nregarding refugees inclusion in healthcare systems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bruno Dupeyron, Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 \u201cProtecting\u201d without a Protection Mandate: the International Organization for Migration\u2019s Business with Refugees and Forced Migrants in South America<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Since\n2016, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) has presented itself\nas \u201cthe UN Migration Agency\u201d, following an agreement with the United Nations\nthat mainly provides rights to IOM\u2019s staff as a \u201crelated organization to the\nUN\u201d, and reinforces cooperation between the IOM and the UN system.  The \u201cprotection of human rights\u201d, coupled\nwith the topic of origin-country development, is central to IOM\u2019s discourse,\nwhich is often conveyed through periodic migration data and publications.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although\nthe IOM has no legal protection mandate, the IOM\u2019s management of refugees and\nforced migrants is common practice. \nFocusing on IOM\u2019s Regional Office for South America, which is\nunderstudied in IOM\u2019s literature, the role of the IOM appears to be\nincreasingly salient, due to IOM\u2019s persistent work with refugees and forced\nmigrants, originating from South American countries or from other\ncontinents.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper will analyze how IOM\u2019s discourse, policies and practices, executed\nwithout a proper mandate, are perceived by IOM\u2019s stakeholders. First, this lack\nof legal protection mandate is not problematic for nation-states that often\nreproduce IOM\u2019s discourse and praise its humanitarian work.  Yet, other actors, in particular civil\nsociety organizations, human rights organizations and scholars critically\nassess this role, since the IOM has been found undermining refugee protection\nin several cases.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thea Enns, Luann Good Gingrich, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Relationships of \u00ab\u00a0Mutual Transformation\u201d? A Case Study of Mennonite Central Committee and the Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\narticle explores the contrived and unusual relationships of private sponsorship\nwithin church-based constituent groups (CGs) of Mennonite Central Committee\n(MCC).  Data obtained from focus groups\nwith (largely) Mennonite CGs, and interviews with respective sponsored\nnewcomers, informs the analysis of this paper. Building off MCC\u2019s focus to\nencourage \u201cmutually transformative relationships\u201d, this paper aims to\nunderstand how roles and relationships develop and change, the challenge of\nshifting utilitarian roles into relationships of mutuality, and how sponsorship\nas a partnership might prove most effective at promoting the dignity of refugee\nnewcomers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mariam Eskander, Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Syrian Refugees\u2019 Access to Education in Egypt & Lebanon: An Analysis of the Effect of Identity Construction and Public Discourse on Integration<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

I\nattempt to understand why Syrian refugees in both Egypt and Lebanon are still\nunable to enroll their children in the public education system of either of\nthose two host countries; despite the fact that both governments have\nintroduced accommodating policies that directly address the needs of the Syrian\nrefugee population. Even though Egypt and Lebanon have completely different\nhistorical and political experiences with the state of Syria and Syrians\nthemselves. Therefore, I argue that the way in which identities are constructed\nin these two host countries as well as the way the media portrays the presence\nof Syrians in both Egypt and Lebanon provide an explanation for the low\nenrollment rates. I intend to explain how these two factors influence the\nschool enrollment rates through and interplay of the constructivism and the\nsocial identity theory; where identity construction forms real and imaginary boundaries\nthat mediate interactions between different social groups. Besides the way one\nconstructs their identity, media plays a complementary role where it helps\nshaping a certain perspective of Syrians in the eyes of their host society. All\nthat makes education inaccessible ; establishing that policies are not the only\nimportant factor the creates a successful integration process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Maya Fennig, McGill University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Beyond Voluntary Return: A critical ethnographic study of refugees who departed Israel \u2018voluntarily\u2019<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Against\na global backdrop of anti-refugee discourse, governments are increasingly\npaying refugees to repatriate. This critical ethnographic study explores the\nlived experiences of refugees who participated in Israel\u2019s Voluntary Return\nprogram. The data were derived from in-depth interviews with refugees who had\ndeparted Israel. Participants highlighted the various exile-related stressors\nthat led them to choose to leave and reflected on the ambiguity inherent in the\nterm \u2018voluntary\u2019. Post-departure, participants continued to experience\nsignificant psychological distress. In light of popular perceptions that\nrepatriation is an optimal solution to refugees\u2019 displacement, the implications\nof these findings for interventions and policies are considered.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erika Frydenlund, Old Dominion University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

What would a computational model of refugee integration look like? A workshop on conceptual and computer modeling and simulation<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Computational\nmodeling and simulation present new opportunities for thinking through pressing\nsocial science issues, generating new insights from existing theory, and\nserving as a tool to communicate with policymakers and other stakeholders. This\nworkshop builds from a conceptual model of refugee integration derived from\nfieldwork and theory development and qualitative research by forced migration\nscholars. We will present the model and discuss its representation of refugee\nintegration. Two modelers and two forced migration scholars, on whose work the\nmodel is based will facilitate. We will then solicit input from the\nparticipants to develop and refine the model based on theory, quantitative\ndata, and other empirical observations. We hope to shed light on<\/p>\n\n\n\n

the\nmodel development process, discuss modeling paradigms available to them, direct\nthem to resources for further learning, and provide insights on how (and when)\nto pursue modeling projects related to their own topics of interest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erin Goheen Glanville, Simon Fraser University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 Beyond feedback and collaboration: Reworking the ethics of community-engaged critical refugee studies<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper draws on my current knowledge mobilization project, Worn Words<\/em>, which is creating multi-voiced digital stories that\nrenarrate ordinary words in refugee discourse. The project is an experimental\npraxis, turning critical refugee studies into educational media that resists\nhumanitarian and nationalist frames for refugee cultures but in an invitational\nand winsome way. As a community-engaged refugee studies scholar, I have\njourneyed through different understandings of ethical engagement: from\nconsultation, to collaboration, and now to partnership, which I define as\nrespecting one another’s institutional and social constraints and offering one\nanother what we can in pursuit of, sometimes, divergent goals. My current\nunderstanding of ethical engagement has emerged from this process of partnered\ndigital research creation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Luin Goldring, York University; Patricia Landolt, University of Toronto<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Histories, mobilities and differential inclusion<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper considers the relationship between colonial legacies and processes of\nmigrant\/refugee inclusion.  We consider\nCanada\u2019s relationship to the Caribbean and Latin America to frame Canadian\nmigration and refugee policies toward people on the move from these\nregions.  Using selected data from a survey\nof respondents born in the Caribbean and Latin America living in the GTA, we\nargue that colonial legacies have a long-term impact as they shape legal status\ntrajectories and differential inclusion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Paola Gomez, SickMuse <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Sick Muse Art Projects. Our world of a thousand colours<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Sick\nmuse art projects works with community partners to create spaces for emerging\nartists from equity seeking groups to showcase their work, to access\nopportunities for professional development and to engage communities in meaningful,\nhands-on, high quality arts education integrated with issues of social justice.\nOur world of a thousand colours is a 12-week art program for children. We bring\nour art groups to shelters and transitional houses in Toronto. Most recently,\nthis program was offered at the Toronto hotels for newly arrived Syrian\nrefugees and other refugee claimants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Odessa Gonzalez Benson, University of Michigan<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

From policy irrelevant research to a return to relevance: An \u2018active\u2019 approach to forced migration research<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\na seminal piece, Oliver Bakewell (2008) calls for policy irrelevant research\ninto forced migration. Research that privileges the worldviews of forced\nmigrants, rather than those of policymakers and practitioners, holds promise\nfor moving beyond the boxed-in categories and evidence-based knowledge and\npriorities of policy. Indeed, there is much insight gained in examining and\nunderstanding the experiences of forced migrants at the shadows of policy and\npractice domains, and the consequences as well as alternatives brought to bear.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper aims to trace that logic further, and unpack the denouement. Policy\nirrelevant research seeks to \u201cchallenge \u2018practical knowledge\u2019 that is taken for\ngranted\u201d (Bakewell, 2008, 432), and this paper inquires into the politics and\nthe imperatives, both ethical and practical, that arise after such challenge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For\nthat inquiry and reflection, this paper draws upon research on organizations\nrun by and for resettled refugees in the United States. Specifically, analyses\nuse two studies: a case study with 40 interviews with organizational leaders in\n35 U.S. cities and a place-based study of six organizations in one city.\nLargely excluded from policy-practice processes, conversations and resources,\nthese refugee-run organizations have much to say about what happens beyond the\nconfines of policy. They reveal the underbelly of U.S. refugee policy, the\nhuman consequences of work-centered policy and the devolution of social\nresponsibilities from formally-constituted, state-funded organizations unto\nresettled refugee communities and their organizations. And these revelations\ncarry policy implications.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper interrogates how the scholarly endeavor of challenging assumptions and\nraising critical perspectives drawn from forced migrants\u2019 voices, in turn,\nyields implications for policy. To get here, research moves beyond categories\nand asks new questions as deconstructive approach; but going from here entails\nanother role for forced migration research, an \u2018active\u2019 approach that involves\ntranslation and application. The now-problematized categories demand not only\nvisibility but engagement; and the voiced insights, because they point to\nmaterial consequences, warrant not only understandability but action,\nparticularly in the current moments of policy retraction and heightened\nprecarity for forced migrants. Herein lies the tensions between scholarly and\npractical impact, and the challenges of bridging forced migration research to\npolicy and practice. At this juncture of forced migration research, policy\nirrelevant research seeks to make itself relevant.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Odessa Gonzalez Benson, Annie Taccolini Panaggio, University of Michigan – Ann Arbor<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 \u2018Work is worship\u2019: Diminished, deindividualized and valuation of economic integration as U.S. resettlement policy goal<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Workfare,\nthe conditioning of public assistance on work, was first institutionalized into\nUS policy via refugee resettlement policy, thus laying groundwork for the 1996\nwelfare reforms. Refugee scholars have examined how implementing agents respond\nto the mandates of workfare, as sole measure of integration as policy outcome.\nWhat is less examined is the ensuing significance upon refugees. Drawing from\nperspectives of refugee communities, this study examines how ‘self-sufficiency’\nor economic integration as resettlement policy goal manifests at the end of the\npolicy line, using 40 interviews and four focus groups with organizational\nleaders and worker-volunteers of a refugee community as case study. We argue\nthat diminution of self-sufficiency into ‘job placement’ reflects the\nwork-first, time-limited focus, while de- individualization conveys neglect for\nindividual circumstances. Finally, we argue that the implementation of\nself-sufficiency as a policy goal, even as it is diminished and de- individualized,\nmanifests with valuation, denoting how acts of implementation carry value-laden\nexpressions that idealize the refugee-worker.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Luann Good Gingrich, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

An epistemic reflexive examination of social inclusion<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Definitions\nand measures of integration for refugees in Global North societies often\npresume a binary relationship between exclusion and inclusion, choice and\nforce, and apply an individual categorical point of view to evaluate success\nand entitlement. Consequently, policies, services and measurement tools that\nare geared toward common notions of \u201cinclusion\u201d or \u201cintegration\u201d for newcomers\nare predicated on precise goals for \u201cthem\u201d and beliefs about \u201cus\u201d that work,\nironically, to reproduce and reinforce existing relations of soft domination\nand dynamics of social exclusion. Such ideals are expressed in official schemes\nof classification and are implemented as a moral imperative. As a result,\n\u201cinclusion\u201d or \u201cintegration\u201d for many newcomers, such as Syrian refugee youth\nor Mennonite women from Mexico, requires conformity and compliance, in all\nsorts of subtle and more obvious ways. \nYet such imperatives are not readily apparent to those who hold a title\n\u2013 such as teacher, social worker, health practitioner, or researcher \u2013 because\nthe necessary habitus, or disposition, for those who have been officially\nnominated makes \u201ca world of common sense, a world that seems self-evident\u201d\n(Bourdieu, 1989, p. 19). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Drawing\non 15 years of theoretical and empirical research, including qualitative research\nwith diverse migrant populations and secondary data analysis of national\ndatasets, I propose an epistemic reflexive approach (Bourdieu) to theorizing\nand measuring the dynamic processes and outcomes of social exclusion. I adopt a\nresearch paradigm, or worldview, that aims to transcend common binaries of\nthought, to see beyond methodological individualism and assumptions of\nautopoiesis (Haraway) that posit social systems as inevitable and\nself-constructing, limiting us to static outcome measures and personal change\ninterventions; beyond the ideological imperialism that becomes necessary when\nthe terms of inclusion or integration are defined by those on the \u201cinside\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Angelica Hasbon, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

HISTORICALLY SPANISH: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia and the changing nature of Suspect Communities vis-\u00e0-vis racialization mechanisms<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Current discourses depicting Muslims\nas suspect communities across the European context are not new. Instead, these\ncome from a long-term historical construction that has gone hand in hand with\nand has been fed from the same source as anti-Semitism. This paper argues that\nshifting patterns of racialized discrimination, which previously constructed\nJews as suspects in Europe, continue to establish Muslims in parallel ways.\nMoreover, that racist rhetoric found in current security policies, has been\nnaturalized through discourses and policies that produced internal boundaries\nfixed within progressionist narratives. In this investigation, Spain is used as\na crucial site due to its unique historical construction of race and practices\nof racial discrimination that were used for its empire building and\ncolonization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Graham Hudson, Ryerson University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Conflict, Cooperation, and \u201cSanctuary City\u201d Policies in Canada <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nsanctuary city movement is a transnational response to increased numbers of\nnon-status status migrants living and working in global cities. Following the\nlead of American cities, municipal governments in Canada have played a role by\npromulgating ordinances aimed at providing access to select services and\nlimiting local cooperation with federal authorities. At their most ambitious,\nthese policies challenge exclusionary federal laws and even the exclusive\nauthority of the federal government to govern the border. But unlike their\nAmerican counterparts, Canadian cities have actively avoided engaging in\ndisputes over jurisdiction, with some City Councils going so far as to refer to\ntheir policies as \u201cpurely symbolic\u201d. This cautionary if not conciliatory approach\nfits neatly into the Canadian tradition of cooperative federalism, raising\nserious doubts about the normative and material impact of sanctuary policies. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npresentation will provide an overview of a four-year (2018-2022) socio-legal\nstudy on sanctuary city policies in Canada. As the project is in its initial\nstages, the presentation will be exploratory, surveying the conceptual\nrelationships between sanctuary and jurisdiction i.e. conflict over the\nauthority to govern. The presentation will be framed around the question of\nwhether cooperation between local and federal authorities is conducive to\nprogressive change, or, whether local actors should pursue more aggressive\npolicies aimed at contesting settled assumptions about the governance of\nmigration?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ishrat Husain, National Law University, Assam <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Refugees in the UK<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

A\nboon in undivided India has become a curse in divided India. Tea cultivation in\na big scale started in Assam in the 1860s. To work in the tea gardens, the\nBritish needed labourers. It is then that the British started encouraging\nhard-working Bengali Hindu and Muslims farmers from East Bengal to migrate to\nAssam and settle down as cultivators. The East Bengal farmers also started\ngrowing rice and vegetables and food production in Assam started growing.\nDuring those days, the Assames speaking population of the Assam not only did\nnot resent the coming of the East Bengal farmers but welcomed them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nsituation started changing after 1930s. The population of Assam was also\nincreasing and they too needed land. Conflict of interest started between local\nAssamese and the immigrant cultivators and later as doctor, lawyers and\nengineers started coming out of the immigrant families. The old attitude of\nwelcoming the farmers changed into one of the hostility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taking\nadvantage of this conflict, the communal forces started to work and the said\nconflict transformed in communalism and it all became anti-Muslims. By now the\nthreat perception of the Assamese changed. They saw the main danger to them\ncoming from the Bengali Muslims rather than from the Bengali Hindus. Shortly\nafter independence in 1947, the riots took place in 1948, 1955, and 1960 and\nduring the five-year long \u201canti- foreigner movement of 1979-85\u201d. Though the\nperception had already been hijacked by a few political parties but present\nruling party seems to be very bold to deal with the problem but without any\nsolution. Any attempt at en masse eviction of so many million people will throw\nthe entire region into turmoil and violence with unforeseen political\nconsequence for the country and would be a serious issue of human rights\nviolation. These people will become Stateless. They will lose citizenship\nrights which include the voting rights and all other basic rights<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Four\nmillion permanent residents of Assam have been excluded from the draft\npublication of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam on July 30,\n2018. Those excluded have been given time until \nAugust 28, 2018 to apply again with necessary documents which include ,\ninter alia, the proof that the applicant\u2019s forefathers had been permanent\nresidents of Assam- a condition very few can fulfill. Production of birth\ncertificate is mandatory. But the fact is that birth registration became\nmandatory in Assam after 1969, when the Registration of Birth and Death Act\ncame into force. Those born before 1969 have no birth certificate. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

What\nwill happen to NRC is a matter of time but for too long, the perceived problem\nof Bangla migrants has forced the minority Muslims of Assam to live under a cloud\nof suspicion. On this issue, Banladesh has categorically stated that no citizen\nof their country is illegally living in India and they will not take back\nanyone branded as Bangladeshi and sought to be deported to Bangladesh. In a\nway, their deportation is not possible and it is well known to all who are\nshowing interest in the matter. So the next best course may be to allow them to\nstay but deprive them of their citizenship and voting rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jennifer Hyndman, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The practical politics of \u00ab\u00a0both\/and\u00a0\u00bb private sponsorship: Why BVORs cannot replace PSRs<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

During the spring and summer of 2018, a number of pro-refugee organizations, including the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Ottawa, Amnesty International (Canada) and representatives of the Canadian Government, promoted the sponsorship of refugees from the Blended Visa Office-Referred (BVOR) category tacitly over privately-sponsored refugees because of unused sponsorship spaces allocated by the Government. The characteristics of these two streams are enumerated, but the main differences lie in 1) the BVOR sponsorships are cost-shared, so are 50% less money to support for one year for sponsorship groups; and 2) sponsors may not name any specific refugees they would like to sponsor; rather UNHCR makes the referral to Canada of people who have been screened and approved. The framing of BVORs vs. PSRs is unsettling, since\nCanada needs both. Based on interviews with sponsors from two projects and\nethnographic research with sponsorship agreement holders, the practical\npolitics of private sponsorship are explored.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nicole Ives, Amal Elsana -Alhjooj, Hend Alqawasma, Lyn Morland, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Promoting the social inclusion of young refugee children and their families: Interventions from Canada, Israel, and the United States<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Many\ncountries today are urgently searching for effective ways to support the\nlong-term integration of refugees into local communities and are looking beyond\neconomic self-sufficiency to neglected facets of integration, such as social\ninclusion. This panel presents interventions aimed at promoting the social\ninclusion of refugee children, from early childhood through adolescence, across\ndifferent contexts in Canada, Israel, and the United States. Researchers will\nshare new findings as they relate to fostering social inclusion for refugee\nchildren and their families, and will discuss the implications for policy,\nprogramming, and practice in countries of resettlement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jay Johnson, UCLA<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Urban Politics and Refugee Reception Offices: Contesting Integration and Constructing Social Boundaries through Litigation in South African Cities<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nmajority of asylum seekers and refugees currently reside in cities,\nparticularly in the Global South. \nHowever, conceptual and policy models on integration often focus on\ninternational law and national policies, while overlooking the role that urban\nactors may play in shaping boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. When the city\nis incorporated in discussions on integration, there is often a focus on\npolitical movements either broadly in favor of asylum seekers and refugees\n(e.g., sanctuary movements and cities), or against these populations (e.g., xenophobic\nriots and local populist politicians). I argue that litigation over Refugee\nReception Offices (RROs) in South African cities presents an alternative case,\nwhere urban actors respond to more contingent, ambivalent, and localized\nconditions in particular urban spaces. \nSpecifically, I look at how local actors use litigation \u2013 for example,\nlocal businesses using municipal zoning and nuisance laws to close down\nstate-run RROs and NGOs appealing to provincial courts to have these offices\nre-opened \u2013 to define and structure social boundaries in the city.  Through an analysis of stakeholder\ninterviews, field observations, and legal case records, I argue that while\nbroader narratives of human rights and national citizenship and identity remain\ncentral to integration policies and practices, local politics over particular\nurban spaces, property, and rights are equally important in understanding how\nintegration is enacted and contested in cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wilfred Dominic Josue, Fern Universit\u00e4t in Hagen <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Integrating into German Society through Politics and History  The Effects of the Orientation Course (Orientierungskurs) to Refugees in Brandenburg, Germany<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Germany\nreceived the most number of refugees from 2015 until 2017 but even after the\n\u201crefugee crisis\u201d the topic of migration and integration are still very much\ndominating day-to-day conversations in the country. Learning the German\nlanguage and having a job is the ideal way to integrate. But is this enough for\nRefugees to best integrate into German society? Included in the Integration\ncourses (German language courses with or without Alphabetization courses), the\nOrientation courses are strictly sanctioned by the Federal Office for Migration\nand Refugees (BAMF). The Orientation course is a month-long civic education course\nfocusing on German History, Politics, and Society. By using the perspective of\n\u201cpolitical integration through civic education\u201d, this paper analyzed the\neffects of such orientation courses specifically in two groups of Refugees\nwhich took the same Orientation course in Rathenow and Falkensee in the\ndistrict of Havelland which is in the State of Brandenburg. Although the two\ngroups took the same course, the effects varied. The group in Falkensee had a\nbetter understanding of German Politics and History manifested by their active\nengagement in the community and high scores in the Test compared to the group\nin Rathenow. This study hopes to add to the academic discourses and debates on\nhow best refugees can integrate into Germany society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Liliana Jubilut, Universidade Catolica de Santos<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Durable Solutions for Refugees and Other Forced Migrants on the Global Compacts<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nlate 2018 the Global Compacts on Refugees and on Safe, Orderly and Regular\nMigration are to be adopted by States after a 2-year process started with the\nNew York Declaration for Refugee and Migrants. The topic is timely as the\nnumber of refugees and other forced migrants has been on the rise and the lack\nof protection is also growing. The process relevant as it is the first time\nthat comprehensive international agreements are to be put in place on refugees\nand migrants since the 1950s. The creation of a legal document is necessary as\na way to implement a rights-based language of protection and to create\ncommitments in protecting refugees and other forced migrants. However, these\nalso need to focus on durable solutions if protection of refugees and other migrants\nis to be achieved. Thus assessing the Global Compacts’ approaches to durable\nsolutions is essential.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Isaac Kalule, Kennedy House Youth Services <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Reinventing life through dance, poetry and film <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nDecember 2017 I escaped from the jaws of death and fled to Canada. The price of\nhaving been gay in Uganda was horribly visible, with scars all over my body and\neven more painful psychological trauma. In Canada, trying hard to meet\ndeadlines and navigate complicated Canadian systems, I was confronted with new\nbattles – homelessness, coping with extremely cold weather, racism, social\nisolation, suicidal ideations and depression, while being penniless. I was just\n20. I was not ready to give up. My only option was to face my internal and\nexternal battles by reinventing myself. At a pride event in June 2018, I\ndramatized my tortured past and traumatic present. Since then I have been\ndocumenting my struggles through videos and have shared my journey at different\nvenues. I have transformed myself into a voice for the voiceless as I know that\nreinventing myself is essentially a collective effort.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ay\u015fe Seyyide Kaptaner, Birkbeck, University of London <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

How refugee entrepreneurship is enabled in European capitals: Opportunities and Challenges<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Refugees\nbring their skills, abilities and ambitions in the host countries, as well as\ntheir financial and social capital at different levels. For those who are\nwilling to transfer these concepts into their own enterprise, various\nopportunities and challenges await regarding legal frameworks, business\nculture, market conditions etc. in host countries. Refugee entrepreneurs often\nrequire support to navigate themselves and their businesses in the new\nenvironment. This study is about how refugee entrepreneurship is enabled in\nEuropean capitals, namely in London, Berlin and Amsterdam. Refugee\nentrepreneurs who start their business through Refugee Entrepreneurship\nProgrammes (REPs), which mainly provide incubation, training and financial\nsupport, are examined along with those who are not participating in REPs.\nEuropean capitals with different migration patterns, entrepreneurial\necosystems, and policies for the entrepreneurial activities of refugees are\nselected. These cities are studied in terms of how the funder profile,\nentrepreneur profile, institutional support and impact metrics of REPs change.\nSemi-structured interviews are conducted with refugee entrepreneurs, programme directors\nand trainers from REPs and their funders. These interviews are analysed for\ncomparing the opportunities and challenges for entrepreneurs that are\nparticipants and non-participants of REPs. The outcomes and social impact of\nthe programmes are assessed. Consequently, this study demonstrates how support\nprogrammes and policies can be improved to better enable refugees to be\nintegrated in the business environment and the host country in a broader sense,\nand how refugees contribute to host countries by becoming entrepreneurs given\nan empowering environment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kanwal Khokhar, Ryerson University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Problematic Justifications for Border Control Policies: Family Separation in the United States<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

It\nis evident that Donald Trump\u2019s presidential campaign and election have had\ngrave implications for not only the United States of America (U.S.) but also\nfor the rest of the world. Particularly, immigration discourses and realities\nhave been under scrutiny globally. This is no surprise considering Trump\u2019s\npresidential campaign focused heavily on issues pertaining to illegal\nimmigration to the U.S. Shortly after becoming president, Trump adopted\nzero-tolerance immigration policies in response to illegal border crossings\nbetween the U.S. and Mexico. This paper examines the zero-tolerance approach\nand how it has resulted in family separation at the border. This paper also\nprovides a critical analysis of the narratives and justifications that allow\npolicies such as family separation to occur. This paper argues that the Trump\nadministration has blatantly ignored international obligations, violated human\nand children\u2019s rights and utilized fear tactics to criminalize immigration.\nFurther, this paper maintains that family separation has not only had\ndevastating consequences for the families involved but also has shed light on\nchallenging humanitarian discourses, propagated hate and supported the\nmarginalization and dehumanization of immigrants and asylum seekers.\nConclusively, the paper pushes for the promotion of evidence based notions to\ncounter mainstream stereotypes pertaining to immigration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Caroline Kihato, University of Johannesburg <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Stealth humanitarianism: Incentivising the inclusion of urban displaced populations, lessons from the global south<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Over\nhalf of the world’s refugees or people living in refugee-like conditions now\nlive in urban areas. Yet while raging debates over integration in Europe, North\nAmerica and Australia continue, it is ‘cities of the South’ that most directly\nconfront the presence of thousands — sometimes hundreds of thousands — of\nnewcomers. Drawing on research conducted in Kampala, Nairobi and Johannesburg,\nthis talk explores the challenges that local governments and urban planners\nface in trying to address urban displacement. Municipalities are often unable\nor unwilling to address refugee needs, yet they are unlikely to go away and\ntheir economic, social and political integration have the potential to reshape\nurban markets, values and institutions. I argue that building inclusive, resilient\nand sustainable cities in an era of urban displacement requires ‘stealth work’\nincentivising local leaders, partnering with mid-level bureaucrats and using\nlegal and technical loopholes that expand urban opportunities for marginalised\npopulations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ranjith Kulatilake, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Integration or re-victimization? Insights from the frontline  <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe dominant discourses on refugee integration, which include immigration,\nresettlement and healthcare, LGBTIQ+ newcomers are a much-neglected population.\nAs a result, only a handful of agencies in Toronto are able to provide support\nservices, although with on-going funding cuts the continuity of such services\nis uncertain. I will first argue that under the guise of a Canadian \u2018safe\nhaven\u2019, LGBTIQ+ newcomers are constantly re-victimized, contributing to unique\nsocial determinants of health. Next I will contextualize this on-going process\nof re-victimization within the neoliberal political and economic policies of\nthe Canadian settler-colonial state in order to garner movements of resistance.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ben Kuo, University of Windsor<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Syrian refugees in Windsor, Canada, Social Relationship, General Health, and Mental Health<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

According\nto the UNHCR’s estimate the conflict in Syria has displaced 5.6 million people\nto different countries in the past seven years. In Canada alone more than\n40,000 Syrian refugees have been sponsored to this country since 2015. In this\nstudy, we examined the associations among social relationship, general health,\nand mental health in a sample of 235 Syrian refugees living in Windsor,\nOntario. Social relationship was assessed based on participants’ reported\nnumber of friends in the city and the frequency of their contact, and social\nsupport was assessed based on participants’ reported number of emotionally\nclose friends, and satisfaction with the quality of those friendships. Health\nmeasures were assessed using the RAND 36-Item Health Survey and depression was\nassessed using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9). Multiple regression\nshowed that social relationship predicted better health outcomes and lower\nlevels of depression in this Syrian refugees in Windsor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Irmak Kurtulmu\u015f, Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Upon the protection needs of the asylum seekers and refugees as a prologue to integration into the host communities<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

With\nthe number of people in need for asylum largely exceeding hospitality quota of\nTurkey while with the number of refugees in need for resettlement largely\nexceeding resettlement quota of the European countries as well as other\ncountries such as USA, Australia and Canada, the policies of Turkish government\nhave been changing against the asylum seekers and refugees particularly from\nnon-Syrian countries since Turkey has been a part of Geneva Convention with\nrestrictions on time and geography.  What\nbeing admitted for resettlement is widely considered a \u2018gift\u2019 for the few\nselected refugees means on behalf of Turkey, while its boundaries on\n‘temporarily hosting’ has been in the law, is one of the leading questions in\nthe research. In this respect, this study will focus on how the state\ninstitutions have been changed in time while the crisis was growing with the\nincreasing credibility of Turkey depending on Syrian crisis in the eyes of the\nworld, and how civil society actors might become a part of that story in\nrespect of protection requirements for the asylum seekers and refugees. As\nknown that, after the foundation of Directorate General of Migration Management\nand its growing impact of the practices on asylum seekers and refugees, and its\nrecent taking over of pre-registration of newcomers from UNHCR, the assessment\nof protection program for these people has been becoming more crucial in\nhumanitarian action aspects besides questioning the new place of civil society organizations\nin that framework. Since the protection unit has been the first stage\nhumanitarian action for the following integration of the asylum seekers and\nrefugees into the host communities,  my\npresentation will be related with the first theme of the conference. To examine\nthese questions, expert interviews with all governmental and civil societal\nactors involved and participant observations of different steps of the policy\nprocess are conducted. Methodologically, the study follows a practice-oriented\napproach which focusses on the actors\u2018 practices and their own interpretations\nand explanations. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shauna Labman, University of Manitoba<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Exporting Private Sponsorship. Questions Unasked<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

After\nover a decade of pilot programs, shifting numbers, narrowed criteria,\nsubmission caps and the introduction of a new blended sponsorship model, the\nchange in federal Canadian government in 2015 came with a strong promise of\nresettlement, both governmental and private. In September 2016, in partnership\nwith the UNHCR, and the Open Society Foundations, Canada announced a joint\ninitiative aimed at increasing the private sponsorship of refugees around the\nworld. Whereas in the past the Canadian government turned to private\nsponsorship as evidence of its own humanitarianism at home, the new government\nembraced not just the numbers but the resettlement model itself on a global\nstage. This paper will discuss concerns with the privatization of state\nresponsibility and the power of selection that resettlement offers over uncontrolled\nasylum, raising questions over who will benefit from additional sponsorship\nplaces and who will face increased obstacles to access.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Laxman Lamichhane, Advocate\/Researcher <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Linking humanitarian approach to the human rights approach: Nepal\u2019s struggle towards new refugee framework<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Nepal\nhas been a safe shelter for thousands of asylum seekers and refugees since\nancient times. However, Nepal\u2019s recent refugee response mechanism which is\npurely based on the humanitarian notion and practice of \u201clife of a person\nshould not be put at risk who asks for a refuge\u201d (sharanko maran garnu\nhundaina), proved to be an inadequate to address the emerging challenges in\never changing complex national, regional as well as global context. With\nrespect to the protection of asylum seekers and refugee, the need of proper\nlegal framework is extremely felt by all of the concerned stakeholders. Nepal\nis neither a party to 1951 Refugee Convention nor it has any specific domestic\nlegislation to deal with the refugee issues. In the absence of law, the refugee\nissue has been handled by the administrative means and on ad-hoc basis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe midst of Nepal\u2019s dilemma towards creating a standard human rights friendly\nrefugee protection regime, this paper tries to uncover the pros and cons of the\nhistorical and traditional notion of humanitarian protection in the light of\nnew national as well as developing global legal-political context. While doing\nso, it will examine what can be learnt from the past in terms of policy\nimplication. Since Nepal has been hosting significant number of Tibetan\nrefugees, Bhutanese refugees and some urban refugees. The study will mainly\nfocus on Tibetan refugees and will make some inferences from Bhutanese case\nalso. Secondly, it will discuss about the two dominant opposite school of\nthoughts; Nepal should go with the international human rights regime and have\nits own legal framework and the other one is no Nepal cannot afford all this\nand should care its people first. Finally, this paper will explore and\nrecommend the new possible avenues available for Nepal in terms of refugee\nprotection with reference to constitutional legal development, judicial\nactivism and human rights movement; despite of its geo-political sensitivity,\nlack of resources, internal political instability amongst others. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Paulina Larreategui, University of Regina<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The role of the Andean Community of Nations and MERCOSUR in the management of the Venezuelan migratory crisis<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Venezuela\nis facing a humanitarian crisis due to the hyperinflationary economic collapse\nand the complicated political situation. Worldwide, the number of Venezuelan\nrefugees and migrants has already reached three million. More than 80% remain\nin South America and the Caribbean (Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas, 2018).\nThis situation challenges regional migration policies agreed upon, for instance\nin the Andean Community of Nations and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Traditionally\nthese regional organizations have been the communitarian spaces for integration\nand protection of human rights. However, South American States have declared\nthat the unexpected flow of Venezuelans has overloaded their capabilities. They\nclaimed that the existing regional mechanisms have not been enough to manage\nthe current migratory crisis. Therefore, the affected countries have started to\npursue further assistance at a broader international level seeking economic and\npolitical support. They called the attention of the International Organization\nfor Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees\n(UNHCR), and held two meetings in Quito-Ecuador, in September and November 2018\nrespectively. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

 In September 2018, State parties adopted the\nDeclaration of Quito on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens in the Region.\nThey agreed on its Plan of Action two months later. These instruments refer to\nthe IOM and the UNHCR as key players. Besides, they mentioned the Andean\nCommunity of Nations and the MERCOSUR as participants, leaving these\norganizations in an apparent second level. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe light of the Venezuelan crisis, the Declaration of Quito, and its Plan of\nAction, the study aims to explore at which extend States that instrumentalize\n-and promote- regional organizations struggle to apply agreed policies in their\ndomestic level when facing unexpected events.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Robert Larruina, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

European Migrant Advisory Board. Between box-ticking o real practice? Challenges and opportunities for participation of migrants in policy advise in Europe.<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper provides insight, through a case study, into the integration and\nparticipation of former refugees and migrants. This study is an analysis of the\nenabling and constraining factors of the European Migrant Advisory Board\n(EMAB). This board is an initiative of the Urban Agenda of the European Union\nwith the aim of strengthening the voice of former refugees and migrants in the\nEuropean policy-making process. This study has an explorative nature and is\nbased on a qualitative and interpretative research methods. Data for this paper\nwas obtained from semi-structured interviews \nwith members of the EMAB and the organizations that form the\npartnership, complemented by document analysis and observations. It appears\nthat, notwithstanding the best intentions of all the parties involved, the\nexisting material and discursive structures influence the work of the board\nmembers, which eventually might lead to limiting its capacities within the\ngovernmental European landscape. However, our findings suggest that EMAB would\nhave more chances to survive and become sustainable, as a self-organized group,\nwhen the board members and the partnership \nbecome fully reflexive about their roles and their context.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sangyoo Lee, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nExploring Multiculturalism in the Terrain of the\nSettler Imaginary\n\n\n\n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Literature provided to refugees for their settlement and integration conveys thoroughly maintained national narratives. Drawing on Critical Multiculturalism and Settler Colonialism, I will explore how the settler imaginaries are transmitted through the Canadian concept of multiculturalism in the settlement fields.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Isabelle Lemay, McGill University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

An \u2018Alan Kurdi\u2019 Effect? Analyzing the Politics of Deservingness in Germany and Canada During the 2015-2016 \u2018Refugee Crisis\u2019<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

How\ndo representations of \u2018refugees\u2019 influence policy-making towards openness? The\nobjectives of this paper are threefold: i) to identify which representations of\nrefugees trigger a movement of openness; ii) to assess the mechanisms through\nwhich policy-makers are driven towards openness; iii) to examine the\nmotivations and strategies of policy-makers for upholding or withering that\nmovement. Two mechanisms are tested: the first understands elites as\nconstructing representations and from there legitimizing the response; the\nsecond conceives public perceptions as affecting the political calculus. These\nmechanisms are rarely employed to analyze \u2018deserving\u2019 representations of\nrefugees. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nGerman and Canadian responses to the 2015-2016 \u2018refugee crisis\u2019 are used as\ncase studies, and analyzed through process-tracing. Findings indicate that an\nescalation of \u2018deserving\u2019 representations underpinned the movement of openness\nin both cases. Welcoming policies were facilitated by those\nsocially-constructed representations of deservingness. Elite leadership also\nopened opportunities for the public and the media to demonstrate their support\nand strengthen the movement. Reported concerns over long-term support may have\nencouraged political leaders to maintain an overall discourse of openness while\nreenacting barriers to asylum and resettlement. Efforts to improve societal\nperceptions towards other migration categories may open new possibilities for\ninclusion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jaime Lenet, McGill University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Interrogating the opposite of integration: Deportation and Canadian refugee determination<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nOctober of 2018 media outlets highlighted a government plan to significantly\nincrease the number of people deported from Canada each year. The plan was\ndeveloped in response to an increase of refugee claimants crossing irregularly\nover the US border. For many politicians and observers, these border crossings\ncame to represent a \u2018crisis\u2019 for the integrity of the Canadian immigration and\nrefugee system. While deportation is increasingly portrayed as the appropriate\nantidote to a perceived loss of control and as a useful instrument for managing\nmigration (Gibney, 2008), its logic and consequences have largely escaped\nscholarly inquiry. This presentation seeks to explore the integration of\ndeportation into the policies and practices of the Canadian refugee\ndetermination system as well as to consider how efforts to remove (as opposed\nto integrate) refugee claimants influence the experience of protection-seeking.\nUsing evidence drawn from legislation, removals data, and a scoping review of\ndeportation literature, it is argued that forced removal is an invisible yet\nfundamental feature of Canadian refugee determination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jamie Liew, University of Ottawa <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Precarity of Citizenship in Canada: The Role the Courts Play in Making Factual Findings of Statelessness and Citizenship<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\npaper examines the growing legal barriers created in jurisprudence or the\ncourts to not only obtaining and maintaining citizenship but also the court’s\nrole in identifying the citizenship of a refugee or stateless person and how\nthat may deny them opportunities for permanent pathways to stay within Canada.\nIn particular, this project seeks to examine how the courts are seemingly using\na legal concept of \u00ab\u00a0exhaustion of remedies\u00a0\u00bb in making factual\nfindings of citizenship where citizenship may not exist. Further, the paper\ncritiques how this move in Canadian jurisprudence is counter to international\ncustomary law about dominant and effective citizenship. The paper argues that\nthe principle of dominant and effective citizenship should be applied in cases\ninvolving refugees and stateless persons, and that if it is, different outcomes\nmay result leading to more opportunities for permanent pathways, citizenship\nand eventual integration for those requesting protection. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marilena Liguori, Roxane Caron, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Co-authors who will not be\npresent: Marie-Jeanne Blain, Marie Fally, Vicken Kayayan, Lourdes Rodriguez del\nBarrio<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reconceptualizing integration: A transnational perspective on the migration trajectories of refugees from Syria to Quebec<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper presents preliminary findings from an ongoing study with Syrian refugees\nin the province of Quebec. Recent statistics indicate that Canada has welcomed\nnearly 60,000 Syrian refugees since November 2015 of whom 13,405 are in Quebec,\nwhich makes it the second largest province where they have re-settled (IRCC,\n2018). Looking beyond the numbers, this research focuses on the experiences of\nthe refugees themselves, from the details of their lives and migratory journey\nto the challenges they have faced, as well as the conditions of their situation\nin their \u201cnew\u201d country of residence. From a theoretical point of view, we\nsuggest that the complexity of these experiences can be captured by a transnational\nperspective that critically reconceptualizes the concept of integration.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fieldwork\nfor this study is currently being carried out in Quebec and this presentation\nwill reveal findings from the interviews conducted using the life history technique\nwith refugees from Syria who have settled in the Greater Montreal region and in\nsmaller cities throughout the province of Quebec (30 interviews are planned).\nThe preliminary results point to a heterogeneity in the profiles and\ntrajectories of refugees and highlight the importance of grasping the key\nmoments that shape individuals as well as their experiences in various transit\ncountries, such as Lebanon and Jordan. As a result, this presentation\nhighlights the issues related to integration, particularly regarding processes\nof discrimination and inclusion experienced by refugees from a local and\ninternational perspective. In addition, the findings illustrate the transversal\nand transnational issues faced by refugees during the different phases of their\ntrajectory, particularly in spaces of \u201ctransit\u201d and in the \u201cfinal\u201d step of\nre-settlement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anita Lumbus, Curtin University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThis happiness can be better\u201d: A critique of integration in Australia, based on the experiences of resettled refugee women<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In the Australian policy\ncontext, achieving the \u2018three E\u2019s\u2019 – English language, Education and Training\nand Employment – are considered integral to refugee integration. Settlement\nservices are funded to support resettled refugees for their first five years of\nlife in Australia, while \u2018maximising the productivity of diversity\u2019. An\nassimilationist rhetoric in policy documents and among politicians refers to\nthe importance of refugees integrating \u2018into Australian life\u2019 and adopting\nAustralian values for social cohesion.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Acknowledging this context, a\nparticipatory research project was conducted with 43 women of refugee\nbackground in Perth, Western Australia, using photovoice to explore their\nperspectives on barriers and facilitators to successful settlement. Women chose\ntopics to photograph and discussed these in small groups, through a process of\nreflective group dialogue. Among the findings was the mismatch between\ngovernment and women\u2019s perspectives on the significance of family in\nestablishing a new life, and the importance of gendered and tailored responses\nto the \u2018three E\u2019s\u2019, beyond the five year settlement period. Drawing on\nintersectionality and postcolonial feminist theories, this research critiqued\nthe ideologies which inform multicultural and settlement policy, and the\nimplications for supporting women\u2019s successful settlement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alexandra Lund-Murray, Carleton University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Policy failure: an analysis of the non-implementation of the UNHCR Executive committee\u2019s policy on responsibility sharing in Jordan<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In 2013, a constitutional\namendment in the Dominican Republic retroactively stripped Dominican\ncitizenship from thousands of people of Haitian descent. Following in a long\nline of anti-Black and anti-Haitian rhetoric from the Dominican government,\nthis newest event has created the Caribbean region\u2019s worst refugee crisis.\nMany, finding themselves newly stateless and in between Dominican and Haitian\nsocieties, have set up in refugee camps along the border Haitian-Dominican\nborder. These camps have little to no access to proper sanitation, health\nservices, immigration services, and education. The Haitian government, lacking\nthe proper infrastructure and funds to adequately support the refugees, has\nappealed to the international community for support with little success. This\npaper explores the causes and consequences of Hispaniola\u2019s refugee crisis in\nattempt to explore the extent to which these new policies have affected life in\nthe Dominican Republic and Haiti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tina Magazzini, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Research, European University Institute<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 \u2018White Elephants\u2019: reflections on power, privilege and the integration of white Africans<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Migration\nhas increasingly become a priority, and often a concern, at both national and\ninternational levels. Yet almost invariably, the idea of \u2018African migrants\u2019 is\nassociated with the movement of black people fleeing poverty, political\npersecution, conflicts or natural disasters. While studies abound on the\nintegration levels of so-called \u2018second generation\u2019 and even \u2018third generation\u2019\ncitizens of African descent in Europe, little attention has been given to the\nsecond and third generations of citizens of European descent in Africa. This\npaper seeks to reflect on the constructs that underpin migration research by\nreversing Western-produced categories in the Southern African region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\napply the same indicators traditionally used to evaluate the degree of integration\nof migrants in Europe (MIPEX) to white residents in South Africa, Zimbabwe and\nMozambique in order to problematize colonial legacies and make explicit the\ninconsistencies and double standards present in producing the categories of\n\u2018migrant\u2019 and \u2018citizen\u2019. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Comparing\ncategories of belonging across the two continents raises some compelling issues\non who gets to define what constitutes a desirable member of the body politics,\nand connects migration scholarship with issues of power and privilege.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jay Marlowe, University of Auckland <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Refugee settlement futures: Social Media, Integration and the Social Organization of Difference<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nrapid proliferation and availability of information communication technologies\n\u2013 particularly the smart phone and social media \u2013 herald new ways that refugees\ncan remain connected across distance. With more than 68 million people forcibly\ndisplaced globally, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees\nacknowledges the potential of social media to \u2018digitally reunite\u2019 proximate and\ndistant networks.  Whilst there is\ndislocation, there is also the possibility of connection.  More than 30 countries have formal refugee\nresettlement programs and numerous sites of displacement now have access to 2G\nand 3G digital coverage.  These\nopportunities for communication effectively create a bridge, indeed for some a\nlifeline, between \u2018here\u2019 and \u2018there\u2019. \nApplications such as Facebook, Skype, WhatsApp and SnapChat can reunite\nfamilies and friends and provide powerful tools for sharing information. This\nconnection has the potential to transform resettlement experiences as people\nmaintain significant and ongoing relationships with transnational\nnetworks.   Outlining data from a digital\nethnography with 15 people from refugee backgrounds living in New Zealand about\ntheir use of social media, this presentation considers refugee resettlement\nfutures and the urban environment. \nDrawing on Vertovec\u2019s work on the social organization of difference, it\narticulates what digitally mediated interactions represent for belonging and\nintegration within an increasingly, but unevenly, mobile world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Amna Masood, York University Keele Campus WUSC Committee <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mobilizing York University to Foster Integration through Increased Awareness and Financial Support for Higher Learning for Refugees <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nWorld University Service of Canada has 86 local committees across Canada, with\nover 1,000 student leaders directly involved in raising awareness about global\ndevelopment on their campuses and playing a critical role in supporting its\nStudent Refugee Program. These efforts require public and civic engagement as\nwell as the need to seek financial support on campuses. One means to do so is\nby seeking to raise money through student levies, both initially and as a\ncommittee seeks to increase its sponsorship efforts. A student levy is a model\nthat demonstrates how students can support students and is a tangible way in\nwhich each student can assist a refugee to continue their studies in safety and\nsecurity. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\n2018-2019 the Keele WUSC Committee will engage in just such an effort. The York\nUniversity Keele Campus, who presently sponsors 4 refugee students per year and\nare seeking to increase this commitment. In their presentation they will\nreflect on this process in the hopes of gleaning broader lessons on youth\nengagement in refugee issues. WUSC Keele also led a highly successful winter\ncoat and clothing drive in Fall, 2018 for clients of a local refugee centre and\nsuccessfully lobbied its student government to provide $8000 in funding to help\nrelieve WUSC-sponsored students of the burden of their refugee transportation\nloans.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Joseph Mbalaka, University of Kwazulu-Natal <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Religion, Culture and Identity in a migration process: A study of Muslim Yawo Women in Durban<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\ncoming of Malawian women to South Africa and the formation of Muslim women\u2019s\ngroups and networks has played a vital role for ethnic and immigrant women in\nthe construction of their cultural and religious identity. There is very little\nor no research available on Muslim Yawo women in South Africa; the available\nliterature focuses primarily on Muslim Yawo male migrants. This study\ncritically examines the lived migration experiences of Malawian women in South\nAfrica. The Yawo form the largest proportion of the Muslims of Malawi and have\na long tradition of emigrating from their original homeland to other regions,\nincluding South Africa. This paper aims to historicize Muslim Yawo women\nexperiences through a life history and narrative approach of the women who have\nmigrated to Durban. This research is contextualized within the larger narrative\nof migration to South Africa in the post-apartheid period. It interrogates and\nexplores the migration experiences of Muslim Yawo women in KwaZulu-Natal\nbetween 1994 and 2015. The paper employs the use of historical approach of\nqualitative methodology in its analysis. One of the key the focus of this paper\nincludes the reasons for their migration to South Africa, the challenges and\nconstraints they face as immigrants. Therefore this study will contribute to\nour understanding of Malawian women migrants in South Africa. In addition, this\nstudy will add to current debates on migration by focusing on issues of gender,\nidentity, and agency in Africa. The working hypothesis of this study is that in\nthe process of creating a new life in South Africa, Malawian women are\ncontributing to the economy of Malawi through remittances in significant ways\nand changing perceptions of Islam as being predominantly an \u201cIndian\u201d religion\nin KwaZulu-Natal. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Susan McGrath, Michaela Hynie, Anna Oda, York University, Nicole Ives, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

How are Syrian refugees utilizing settlement services in Canada?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nSyrian Refugee Integration and Long Term Health Outcomes in Canada (SyRIA.lth)\nis a 5 year project funded by CIHR that compares the settlement experiences of\n1921 Syrian GARs and PSRs in BC, Ontario and Quebec to better understand their\nintegration and health outcomes. This paper is an analysis of the findings of\nthe first year of individual surveys and focus groups. We are asking about\ndifferences in the access to services by GARs and PSRs across the different\nsites and the impact of gender, age, education, religion and health on the use\nof services. We will comment on the implications for integration and health outcomes,\nfor settlement services practices and government policies. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

James Milner, Carleton University; Megan Bradley, Blair Peruniak, McGill University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Beyond Beneficiaries: Refugees\u2019 Roles in Resolving Displacement and Building Peace<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

How\nare refugee situations resolved? This has become an urgent question as global\ndisplacement rates continue to climb, and refugee situations now persist for\nyears if not decades. The resolution of displacement and the conflicts that\nforce people to flee is often explained as a top-down process controlled by\ngovernments and international organizations. Drawing from contributions to an\nedited collection on this theme, this panel takes a different approach. Through\ncontributions from scholars working in politics, anthropology, law, sociology\nand philosophy, and a wide range of case studies, it explores the diverse ways\nin which refugees themselves interpret, create and pursue solutions. It\nexamines the empirical and normative significance of refugees\u2019 engagement as\nagents in these processes, and their implications for research, policy and\npractice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

James Milner, Carleton University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Interrogating Integration in East Africa and the Middle East: Critical reflections on joint programming for refugees and host populations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

A\nprominent theme of the Global Compact on Refugees is the integration of refugee\npopulations into local, regional and national development framework. the logic\nof this approach has been that investments that benefit both refugees and host\ncommunities can enhance refugee self-reliance, enhance livelihoods for host\ncommunities, contribute to more favorable perceptions of refugees, and provide\nbenefits to refugee hosting states in the global South. Drawing on the early\nresults of a 7-year project with academic and NGO partners in Canada, Jordan,\nKenya, Lebanon and Tanzania, this paper critically reflects on the logic of the\n‘humanitarian-development’ nexus and its meaning in East Africa and the Middle\nEast. Given the long practices of refugee hosting in these regions, how ‘new’\nis the humanitarian-development nexus? What motivates this approach? And how\ndoes its meaning translate across contexts? Do humanitarian-development\napproaches promote solutions for refugees, or further policies of containment\nin the global South?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Morsaline Mojid, University of Hawaii at Manoa <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Living Between Agency and Abjection: A Study of Rohingya Refugee camp in Bangladesh<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Taking\nKutupalong Rohingya Refugee camp in Bangladesh as a case study, this study\ndemonstrates multi-layered complexities of camp life. I contend that camp space\nis contingent upon multiple authorities, factors, power relations, where\nproduced \u2018bare lives\u2019 are both controlled and autonomous. By analyzing\nempirical cases of Rohingyas in Kutuplaong camp, I explain camp dwellers are\ngiven a little capacity of agency. Their informal settlements have created a\nnumber of roles, ranging from prostitution to shopkeeping, giving them the\nimpression of having autonomy. They are increasingly relying on both the\nresources of and ventures with the host community, which gives them the\nimpression that they have a degree of security. They recast themselves from\nbare lives to entrepreneurs, consumers, to rebellions. More interestingly when\nthey were interviewed and asked about repatriation choice, they invoke\ndisinterest. This situation portrays stark differences from the Agambenian\nperception of camp space. I argue that in a camp space, mechanisms of\ngovernmentality work in such way, it gives an impression of autonomy, security,\nand protection whereas their lives are still unpredictable, contingent and\nsubject of abjection. Therefore, in my study I seek to address ambiguity of\nprotection and ideology of rights and hospitality by exploring the complexities\nof camp life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Petra Molnar, University of Toronto <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Who Decides What We Mean By \u00ab\u00a0Success\u00a0\u00bb? Using AI in the Integration of Refugees<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

AI\nand automated decision-making is increasingly being used in various facets of\nmigration management. From predictions about population movements in the\nMediterranean, to Canada’s experiments with the use of AI in immigration and\nrefugee decisions, it is clear that states and organizations are keen to\nexplore the use of these new technologies, yet often fail to take into account\nprofound human rights ramifications and real impacts on human lives. Building\non a report by the International Human Rights Program and the Citizen Lab at\nthe University of Toronto, this presentation unpacks the proposed and current\nuses of using AI to predict so-called \u00ab\u00a0successful\u00a0\u00bb integration\noutcomes for resettled refugees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Travis Moore, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Social Movement Theory & Italy\u2019s Migrant Question<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Perceived\nand real failures on the part of the European Union to successfully manage the\ninflows of irregular migrants from sub-Saharan Africa have characterized\nmigration to Italy over the last decade. Partly in response to this apparent\nhumanitarian crisis, the UN Global Compact on Migration, promoted by the\nInternational Organization for Migration and in close collaboration with civil\nsociety organizations, articulates a paradigm of \u2018humane and orderly\nmigration\u2019. However, this approach has largely left out the existence of the\nemerging political presence of migrants, and their struggle for full and\nunconditional citizenship . This paper argues through an examination of migrant\npolitical mobilizations in Italy that these groups are best understood through\nsocial movement theory. Following a social movement approach it is suggested\nthat migrant politics may be most effective when they are textually interwoven\nwith native European history and the popular social memory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stefanie Morris, Patti Lenard, University of Ottawa<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Building Resilience. Family Reunification and Refugee Resettlement in Canada<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\n2015 surge in public support for Syrian refugee resettlement marks a crucial\nmoment in the history of Canada’s resettlement strategies. This study presents\nthe results of ethnographic interviews conducted with 27 privately-sponsored\nrefugees (PSRs), 15 government-assisted refugees (GARs), and over 45 sponsors.\nOur findings demonstrate the many challenges of integration refugees face, and\nin particular, we argue that family separation significantly contributes to\nthese challenges. Resettled refugees are demonstrably less resilient to the pressures\nof integration when separated from loved ones. In the context of these\nchallenges, we also examine the Canadian government’s current family reunification\nstrategies (explicit and implicit) and provide recommendations to better align\npolicy and practice with international, domestic and moral obligations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Delphine Nakache, University of Ottawa <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u00ab\u00a0Whole Worker\u00a0\u00bb Approaches to Family Migration for Migrant Workers<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper focuses on Canada and examines the situation of migrant workers in\nlow-skilled positions who — in contrast to workers in skilled occupations\n–cannot migrate with their families during the duration of their work permit.\nDrawing from field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 with both migrant\nworkers and other stakeholders, I illustrate the impacts of prolonged family\nseparation on these workers and offer compelling reasons for facilitating —\nrather than hindering- their family unity. I draw on the insights of the\n\u00ab\u00a0whole worker\u00a0\u00bb approach\u00a0\u00bb (McAlevey, 2014) and the\n\u00ab\u00a0work\/family border theory\u00a0\u00bb (Cambell Clark, 2000) to highlight the\ncrucial importance of having policies that understand migrant workers as \u00ab\u00a0humans\nwith families\u00a0\u00bb. Indeed, as McAlevey’s notes, \u00ab\u00a0real people do not live\ntwo separate lives, one beginning when they arrive at work and punch the clock\nand another when they punch out at the end of their shift\u00a0\u00bb (2014:14). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anh Ngo, Wilfrid University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Canada’s colonial continuities: Racial capitalism and the Indochinese refugees  <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

I\nwill be presenting my research the Vietnamese refugees’ role in promoting and\nsustaining Canada’s capitalist project. I trace both the involvement of Canada\nin the war in Vietnam and later Indochinese refugee rescue from the colonial\nproject to the current capitalist trade ventures, specifically the Transpacific\nPartnership.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Maissam Nimer, Sabanci University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Proposing alternative approaches to address the issue of ‘over-researched communities’: case of Syrian refugees in Turkey<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

With\nthe presence of 3.5 million Syrian refugees in Turkey, there has been a\nproliferation of research projects that tackle the case of refugees, focusing\non several aspects of migration (movement, integration, return). Based on fieldwork\nexperiences for different projects with Syrian young adults in Turkey and\nGreece, we question the relevance of the term \u2018over- researched communities\u2019\ncoined by (Sukarieh and Tannock, 2013). We critically examine questions related\nto participants\u2019 perception of research as a tool to address inequalities in\ntheir everyday lives. Against a backdrop whereby research is thought of as\nbenefiting the lives and careers of researchers but leaving the lives of those\nbeing researched unimproved in any significant way (Moser, 2003), we reflect on\nour positions as researchers in the field and propose and weigh out alternative\napproaches that go beyond the traditional ethical practices to shift the\ninterpersonal dynamics of power between researchers and participants, and\ntransform their perception from being a study subject into an essential actor\nin the process of power reconstruction and social change.   In this process we reflect on the advantages\nand limitations involved in processes such as building a relationship that goes\nbeyond the interview situation towards creating a space which encourages the\nconstruction of meaningful relationships, and enables continuous development of\nsocial network within the community. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Keith Nicholson, Mount Allison University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Between Haiti and The Dominican Republic: Hispaniola\u2019s Refugee Crisis<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In 2013, a constitutional amendment\nin the Dominican Republic retroactively stripped Dominican citizenship from\nthousands of people of Haitian descent. Following in a long line of anti-Black\nand anti-Haitian rhetoric from the Dominican government, this newest event has\ncreated the Caribbean region\u2019s worst refugee crisis. Many, finding themselves\nnewly stateless and in between Dominican and Haitian societies, have set up in\nrefugee camps along the border Haitian-Dominican border. These camps have\nlittle to no access to proper sanitation, health services, immigration\nservices, and education. The Haitian government, lacking the proper\ninfrastructure and funds to adequately support the refugees, has appealed to\nthe international community for support with little success. This paper\nexplores the causes and consequences of Hispaniola\u2019s refugee crisis in attempt\nto explore the extent to which these new policies have affected life in the\nDominican Republic and Haiti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chizuru Nobe-Ghelani, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Rethinking Canadian citizenship as a settler colonial construct  <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nattainment of Canadian citizenship is often considered as an ultimate form of\nrefugee integration. This paper critiques this notion via Indigenous and\ncritical race, settler colonial scholarship and argues that our investment in\nCanadian citizenship is constituted by and constitutive of settler colonialism.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rosemary Okoth, Black Coalition for AIDS Prevention <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

East or West, is \u2018home\u2019 the best?  <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

 Running away from my home in Kenya and leaving\nmy mother, the person I love most, was not easy but was not a choice when it\nwas a matter of life and eventual humiliating death. During the scary journey\nto this \u2018promised land\u2019 I pictured a new home, where I would flourish as a\nlesbian woman. Only after landing in Canada that I realized that words denoting\nthe processes of human habitation have diametrically opposing meanings to what\nthey were intended to be. The \u2018shelter\u2019 where I first stayed was not a safe\nplace that welcomed me. My new hope and identity, \u2018refugee\u2019 \u2013 the one who is\nseeking refuge – was repulsive to many. Landlords shunned me when I said I was\na refugee claimant receiving social assistance. By my skin colour I was\nlabelled and also ranked \u2018lowest\u2019 socially. For urgent basic support, I had to\nmake \u2018appointments\u2019 and wait for days and weeks. I am now left with questions:\n\u2018integration\u2019 into what, where and how? Will I ever be able to make my yet\nillusory home?  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jess Notwell, Yuriko Cowper-Smith, Leah Levac, University of Guelph<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u00ab\u00a0Neutrality Is Not Neutral: Radical, Politically-Engaged Forced Migration Scholarship.\u00a0\u00bb<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nacademia, credibility is often accrued by commitments to \u201cneutrality\u201d and\n\u201cobjectivity.\u201d Sunera Thobani rejects, \u201cthe politics of academic elitism, which\ninsist that academics should remain above the fray of political activism,\u201d\ninstead embracing, \u201cradical, politically engaged scholarship…grounded in the\npolitics, practices and language\u201d of communities and social justice movements.\nWithin coloniality\/modernity, neutrality becomes complicity with systems of\ndomination. As Archbishop Desmond Tutu states: \u201cIf you are neutral in\nsituations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.\u201d\nResearching with peoples forced to migrate from home and homeland is\nresearching injustice. Neutrality is not an option. Drawing on research conducted\nwith Rohingya migrant communities in Canada, Palestinian communities, and\nIndigenous Peoples in Canada, this paper explores the ethical and\nmethodological implications of forced migration scholarship which is radical,\npolitically-engaged and social justice-focused using a feminist\nintersectionality approach, a commitment to decoloniality, and an Indigenous\nresearch agenda focused on self-determination as \u201ca goal of social\njustice…necessarily involv[ing] the processes of transformation, of\ndecolonization, of healing and of mobilization as Peoples.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Naima Osman, Simon Fraser University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Upstream Prevention: Grappling with Hypertension in a Kenyan Refugee Camp<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Dominant\nnarrative around African refugee health is one of dependence on humanitarian\naid. More than 11 million people around the world live in protracted refugee\nsituations. Consequently, governments, multilateral institutions, and\nnon-governmental organizations (NGO) face challenges in providing sufficient\nservices to meet people\u2019s long-term health and welfare needs. The limited\nhealth resources available are targeted towards infectious diseases, which\nalthough remain a necessity in protracted situations, are being overtaken by\nthe growing burden of chronic non-communicable diseases (NCDs).  This research project challenges the dominant\nnarrative through a case study of the health experiences of Somali refugees\nliving with hypertension in Kenya\u2019s Kakuma refugee camp.  The study employed ethnographic research methods\nto understand (i) refugees\u2019 perceptions of their illness and (ii) the treatment\noptions available to them in the camp. One of the key findings was the\nextensive network of refugee operated \u2018informal private clinics\u2019 in the camp\nthat many refugees chose to use over the official NGO operated facilities.  Though technically isolated in the\n\u2018heterotopia\u2019 that is the refugee camp, refugees have found innovative ways of\nintegrating with their surrounding communities. This goes against the\ndependency narrative and instead highlights the resiliency and the community\nstrengths among the refugee population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Myriam Ouellet, York University; Dani\u00e8le B\u00e9langer, Universit\u00e9 Laval<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Unpacking Processes of Exclusion Towards Syrian Refugees in Turkey and Lebanon<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Since\nthe beginning of the Syrian War in 2011, nearly 12 million homeless Syrians\nhave fled to find a safe haven. As of late 2018, an estimated 5 million were\nliving in Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon. In Lebanon and Turkey, one key feature\nof the management of these flows has been a non-camp policy, whereby the vast\nmajority of refugees live in cities and border regions. Most studies to date\ndocument the precarious circumstances that characterize the life of a\nsignificant proportion of Syrian refugees who suffer from exclusion, poverty\nand precarity. Based on first-hand fieldwork conducted in Beirut, Lebanon and\nIzmir, Turkey, in 2016 and 2017, this paper will begin to unpack these\nprocesses of exclusion and precariousness. The analysis will first show how\nmodalities of exclusion are contingent upon highly volatile politics and\npolicies towards refugees, which are highly responsive to historical and\ngeopolitical dynamics towards the so-called refugee crisis in the region.\nSecond, the analysis will reveal how social structural factors, particularly\nsocial class, explain variations in experiences of exclusion and resources\nmobilized to mitigate it. These exclusionary regimes towards Syrians, while\nlargely shaped by macro political factors, display a variety of experiences at\nground level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sunday Israel Oyebamiji, University of Kwazulu Natal <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Nigerian Migration to the United States of America:  A Contemporary Perspective<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\npaper seeks to explore the reasons for the migration of Nigerians to the United\nStates of America (U.S.A.). It posits that the quest for career development\nthrough the acquisition of Western education is the most dominant motive behind\nthe migration of Nigerians. Primarily, this serves as a push factor for the\nmigration of Nigerians to the U.S. it propels the desire for knowledge\nacquisition and relevance in the society. However, it should not be mistaken\nthat this occurs out of desperation. Rather, it has been a phenomenon among\nhumankind for several millennia hence the Nigerian experience is not an\nexception. In view of this, the purpose of this study is to examine the reasons\nfor Nigerian migration to the U.S. from the economic perspective including its\nimpact on career development. It highlights in detail the economic drive and\nother attractions behind the migration of Nigerians to U.S. In collation,\ninterpretation and analysis of data, the study makes use of documents from the\nU.S. Census Bureau, in addition to those from the internet and international\nbodies involved in migration issues. These are combined with facts and figures\nfrom oral information and other sources to arrive at authentic conclusions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Adetola Elizabeth Oyewo, Uwem Umoh Samuel, University of KwaZulu-Natal <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Rhetoric\u2019s or Utopia in midst of Integration, Election and Detention; Reflections of Burundi and Congolese Asylum Seekers in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Migrating\nto another country for displaced individual is an avenue to rebuild their lives\nin host country such as South Africa. However settlement in host country is\nusually not easy as it seems, met by unwelcoming attitude by certain government\nofficials. For instance, the South Africa Minister of Health in November 2018\nstated publicly that \u2018undocumented immigrants are overburdening hospitals, when\nthey get admitted in large number, infection control starts failing\u2019. While the\nDepartment of Home Affairs   2017 White\nPaper on International Migration, proposes building detention centres for\nmigrants and asylum-seekers in South Africa. As well as proposal to discontinue\nbirth certificates to children born to foreign parents but rather\u2019 confirmation\nof birth\u2019. Which would exclude them from social service. With this background,\nthe paper discuss the historical connection of South Africa Group Areas Act\nlegislation which forcibly removed people from their home. It\u2019s after effect on\nthe current migration trend in South Africa, indigenous urban landscapes and\nsettlement pattern. The paper ponder also that in the midst of all these\nrhetoric how can migrants be integrated and settled? It also suggest practices\nthat support refugee integration and how they relate to settlement policies in\nSouth Africa and its hindrance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gbadebo Gbemisola Oyewo, Redeemers University\/Independent Researcher; Uwem Umoh Samuel, University of KwaZulu-Natal<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Informal Settlement and Forced Migration; Case of Kwamashu, EThekwini -South Africa<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

KwaMashu\none of Durban\u2019s oldest townships tells the story of forced migration and\nsettlement policies. KwaMashu, a name is in honor of Sir Marshall Campbell\nwhich means \u2018Place of Marshall\u2019 was established in 1958, as a result of the\nimplementation of Group Areas Act. The township was built under the system that\nwas implemented by the apartheid government to physically separate people by\nrace, especially Indians and Blacks that coexisted peacefully in Umkhumbane\n(now known as Cato Manor). The aim of the paper is to   discuss the resultant effect of the Group\nArea Act on the establishment of informal settlements and shanty town in\nSouth  Africa and the history KwaMashu.\nIt examines how the settlement policies excluded the blacks in economic\ninclusion and reasons migrants currently do no reside in the area. The impact\nof such on livelihood and sustainability of the area and the recent clamor for\n\u2018land appropriation\u2019.  It demonstrates\nalso how government policies systematically segregated people based on race\nfrom housing, education and job opportunities. This in turn led many citizens\nto leave the cities for informal townships in surrounding areas. It discuss\nalso recent eThekwini government policies on the economic integration of the\nblacks into the economic mainstream through program such as the \u2018radical\neconomic transformation\u2019 .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Annie Taccolini Panaggio, Odessa Gonzalez Benson, The University of Michigan<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Sociocultural Integration Experiences of the Bhutanese Refugee Community in the USA<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nresearch behind this paper is ideal for a panel discussion. Rationale for this\ntype of participation is in the consideration that integration as a policy goal\nfor refugee resettlement is a nuanced and contested subject– prime for\ndialogue and open to alternate opinions than those of the researchers of this\nparticular paper. The intention of this research at large is to showcase the\nground-level experiences of the Bhutanese refugee communities as they progress\ntowards an ideal integration for themselves as individuals, broader people\ngroups, and systems. Practicing community-based participatory research methods\nto enhance and collaborate with refugee communities, this paper could be\npresented with researchers as well as Bhutanese community members at various\nplatforms, ranging from local neighborhood events to policy advocacy\nopportunities at the State and Federal levels. Final policy recommendations\ninclude an amendment of refugee resettlement policy goals to include the\nlearned integration realities of refugee communities in the USA since 1980.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Madeleine Annette Pattis, Galya Ben-Arieh, Northwestern University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Interplay of Academic and Political Voices in the Refugee Debate <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Following the terrorist\nattacks in Paris in 2015, a wave of American governors called for a halt in the\nrefugee admissions program. American political discourse regarding refugee\nresettlement thus began to shift away from the decade\u2019s long bipartisan support\nof the program. During this same period, academic researchers and advocates\nmobilized to counter populist rhetoric. Scholarship began to focus more\nintensely on studying economic self-sufficiency of refugees entering the United\nStates by using economic measurements to assess integration, or moral\/ethical\narguments supporting immigration. In what ways does the need to react constrain\nthe methodological lenses and continue to perpetuate over-simplified binaries.\nThrough a discourse analysis of the arguments, data, and norms used by American\nrefugee advocates (both practitioners and scholars) between 2013-2017, this\npaper examines the relationship between American political discourse and the\nproduction of academic knowledge to explore the ways in which academia and\npolitical discourse impact and\/or inform each other, how actors in the academic\nand political realm utilize data or moral claims, and how the use of data or\nmoral claims has shifted in reaction to political climate. More broadly this\nstudy seeks to consider our role as scholar advocates and the ethical\nimplications of our research choices during a time of crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kerith Paul, Ryerson University Lifeline Syria Challenge (RULSC), Ryerson International<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Strength of University Student Engagement in Private Refugee Sponsorship at Ryerson University <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nRyerson University Lifeline Syria Challenge (RULSC) is a great example of how\nRyerson is using social innovation to provide solutions to societal and\neconomic challenges, while providing experiential learning opportunities to\nstudents. OCAD University, University of Toronto and York University joined\nRyerson University to respond to the humanitarian crisis in Syria, mobilizing\ncommunities to welcome and resettle Syrian refugees throughout Canada. The\nRULSC program is designed to facilitate the private sponsorship of refugees and\nto engage students in various facets of refugee resettlement. Student\nvolunteers have taken on specific roles that highlight their skills and provide\nthem with enriching experiences: students are actively working with sponsoring\nteams to assist with pre-arrival; students have supported the ongoing ESL\nworkshops held at Ryerson; student mentors matched to Syrian newcomer youth\nthrough our Peer Mentorship initiative; students are on-call to provide\ntranslation and interpretation support to teams and families. This presentation\nwill outline how these initiatives have been achieved and lessons from their\nimplementation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Madison Pearlman, University of Manitoba <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Operation Ezra: A New Way Forward<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npresentation examines the grassroots efforts of \u00ab\u00a0Operation Ezra\u00a0\u00bb, a\nmulti-faith coalition of actors in Winnipeg, Manitoba involved in the private\nsponsorship of Yazidi refugee families from Iraq. Since the beginning of 2015,\nthe group has partnered with 22 organizations, raised $560,000 and has sponsored\nten families. For 2018, they have allocated 20 spots and have submitted two new\nsponsorship applications for one individual and one family of three. Within\nNorth America, Operation Ezra has unique characteristics setting itself apart\nfrom other private sponsorship groups. These include the collaboration and\ncombined leadership of Winnipeg’s established Jewish community and the newer\nYazidi community, finding common experiences of genocide and persecution and\nshared values of charity and hospitality. Importantly, the group has also\nactively pursued national advocacy initiatives to increase the government’s\nsponsorship quota for Yazidi Refugees – particularly women and girls.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vince Pietropaolo, COSTI Immigrant Services, Family and Mental Health Services <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

From Distress to Wellness. A Model for Refugee Mental Health<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Refugees\nand vulnerable newcomers show an increased prevalence of mental health issues\nincluding post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, anxiety and panic\nattacks, adjustment disorder, and somatization. Many face survivor’s guilt and\nexcessive worry over family members who remain in country of origin. Many do\nnot seek help for their problems because they do not want to relive the trauma\nof their experiences. Often, women do not want to talk about sexual assault or\nother forms of violence they have faced because of the stigma or shame. This\npresentation will showcase COSTI Immigrant Services’ Refugee Mental Health\nServices, a promising practice that supports refugee wellness and integration.\nCOSTI’s model of intervention is flexible to incorporate refugees’ own belief\nsystems, culture, and experiences. It offers supportive trauma-informed\ntherapeutic approaches adapted to cultural needs, and wraparound services in\npartnership with hospitals, schools, and ethno-cultural agencies. It is an\nevidence-based model having served refugee families from Iraq, Iran, Syria and\nparts of Africa and South America with success.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Geraldina Polanco, McMaster University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Pursuing Dignity through Low-Waged Work: The \u2018Inadequacies\u2019 and Exclusions of Transnational Fast Food Employment in the North American Labour Market  <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

For\nthis presentation, I examine how the Mexican migration apparatus\ntransnationally imagines, mobilizes and deploys a highly racialized, gendered,\nand classed workforce for temporary employment in the Canadian fast food\nsector. Drawing from multi-sited, ethnographic research conducted in Mexico and\nwestern Canada (2015), my research shows that many Mexican migrants recruited\nfor temporary fast food work in Canada had spent years living undocumented in\nthe United States prior to deportation. Moreover, they carried with them\nsometimes decades of experience working and living in the bottom tiers of the\nUS economy and society. Through recounting their experiences as \u201cillegal\u201d and\ncontract workers in the US and Canada (respectively), their desires for and\npursuit of a \u201cproper\u201d working class masculinity unfolds. So too do the many\nbarriers they face in achieving this desired state, namely their limited options\nin Mexican or Canadian \/ US labour markets. Through a critical lens of\nmasculinity, I show the few options and hardships faced by these working class\nmen under global labour regimes. I conclude that neoliberal capitalist forces\nand exclusionary migration policies render it difficult for many low-waged\nmigrant men to achieve a desired subjectivity due to the economic forces and\ncurrent immigration policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brenda Polar, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 Centering First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities on discussions of refugee integration <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nviews of First Nations, Metis and Inuit communities from the North are often\ndismissed or included as tokenism on discussions of refugee migration in stolen\nlands. Yet, The Canadian state is constantly claiming shifts towards decolonization.\nFrom an Indigenous lens, I will examine the views and worldviews of First\nNations, Metis and Inuit communities as central components to refugee\nintegration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fabio Martinez Serrano Pucci, Federal University of S\u00e3o Carlos <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Reflecting on the \u201cintegration\u201d of Syrian refugees into the Brazilian society<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

For\nAger & Strang (2008), the \u201cintegration\u201d of refugees can be measured by\ntheir access to housing, employment, health and education services. These are\nmaterial aspects of \u201cintegration\u201d. However, there are also the immaterial ones,\nsuch as citizenship, social contacts with the host society and the respect for\ntheir culture. However, the critics of this concept say it overlooks the\nconflicts between what refugees want to be and what the host society expects\nfrom them. Hence, the \u201cintegration\u201d process is seen as an imposition, with no\nconcerns about the refugees\u2019 cultural background. As an alternative, Castles\n(2002) presents the concept of \u201cre-settlement\u201d, which enhances the cultural\ncontribution of refugees to the host society. Portes & Rumbaut (1990)\napproach this task in their \u201cmodes of incorporation\u201d concept, which includes\nthree aspects to measure it: the policies of the host government, the\nsociability with the host society and with the co-ethnic community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From\nthis theoretical framework, this paper explores the role some institutions\n(like the government, the Syrian-Lebanese community, religious institutions and\nNGOs) play in the re-settlement of Syrian refugees in S\u00e3o Paulo, Brazil. The\nmain hypothesis is that faith-based institutions play a key role in their\nsettlement, by creating social networks that help them to find a job or a place\nto live, access the public health and education systems and practice their own\nculture and traditions. Finally, we compare Syrian refugees with different\nsocial backgrounds (religion, sex, marital status, education, length of stay in\nBrazil and occupation) to find out to what extent these variables influence\ntheir pathways of incorporation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kashmala Qasim, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Role of Faith-Based Coping in Muslim Syrian Refugees Resettling in Toronto<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Many\nof the 40,000 Syrians resettled between 2015 and 2017 are Muslim. Because\nresearch finds that mental health care should be adapted to Muslims\u2019 beliefs\nand practices, it is important to understand how Muslim Syrian refugees are\ndealing with settlement stress. Objective: The goal of this research is to gain\na greater understanding of how religion is used by Muslim Syrian refugees to\ncope with a common source of stress, namely financial threat. Method: We\nconducted Arabic focus groups with 37 Muslim Syrian refugees in Toronto about\nchallenges and coping strategies, including employment and financial\ninsecurity. Results were analyzed using grounded theory. Results: Stresses\nincluded language barriers, foreign experience, and psychological suffering.\nSources of support included personal faith and support from the Mosque but the\nrole of the Mosque and the meaning of employment differed by gender. The\nconcept of amaanah (giving back of a trust) was also highlighted. These\nfindings deepen our understanding of the importance of religion in the\nresettlement and integration process, and can be used to create culturally\nsensitive models of peer support for Syrian refugees. We are in the process of\npresenting workshops at local Mosques regarding culturally relevant coping\nstrategies for newcomer Syrian families.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mohammad Azizur Rahman, University of Manitoba <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The Economic Integration of Resettled Refugees in Canada<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Canada\nis the second largest resettlement country among the Western\nrefugee-resettlement states. With the pre-migration experiences of forced\ndisplacement, dispossession, and violence caused by war or other protracted\nconflicts, government assisted refuges (GARs), as well as privately sponsored\nrefugees (PSRs), blended visa office referred refugees (BVORs) or refugee\nclaimants (asylum seekers) have travelled to Canada to make a new home. Upon\ntheir arrival in Canada, some refugees struggle to economically integrate into\nthe host society. While non-refugee immigrants have received much scholarly attention,\nrefugee integration in general is less explored. Economists, sociologists and\nthe government have paid significant attention to the economic integration of\nimmigrants, yet very few studies have focused exclusively on refugees. This\npaper will highlight the economic experiences of GARs and PSRs in Canada. The\nstudy will use the 2016 Census dataset, which is for the first time linked with\nimmigrant and refugee stream variable. This study will fill the gap in\nnational-scale research investigating refugees\u2019 labor market experiences and\nintegration pathways in Canada. This economic integration study can provide\ninsights into immigrant health, housing, and education. This study will fill\nthe void in the Peace and Conflict Studies literature on refugee integration as\nmost studies are from sociologists and economists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anna Rannou, Covenant College \/ University of Kentucky <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Building Resilience against the Politics of Exclusion: An Examination of Pro-Refugee Consumer-Based Coalitons<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Discourses\nrelating to refugee resettlement in the United States, as in much of the world,\nare discouragingly divisive to say the least. \nAnd the realities of resettlement for refugees and their families are\noften even more stark.  Refugees are\nfrequently scrutinized as saboteurs and excluded from economic, social and\npolitics participation in their host communities.  The loss of potential human prosperity is\nreal; as is the potential of political gain for right wing, anti-refugee\ncandidates and their supporters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe past two years, over 100 companies have joined the Tent Partnership for\nRefugees, a non-profit with a mission to develop and implement concrete\nbusiness commitments to refugees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A\nrecent survey from the NYU Stern School of Business (2018) shows that, of\nnearly 8,000 customers, almost half (48%) noted that they were more likely to\npurchase a brand if they know the brand is committed to supporting refugees in\none or more ways. The level of support is even higher among millennial\nconsumers: 60% of those surveyed under the age of 35 are more likely to\npurchase pro-refugee brands. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper uses original data to examine whether and how private sector groups, such\nas the Tent Partnership for Refugees, are effectively able to intervene as\nadvocates for the economic and associational inclusion of refugees across a\nvariety of local and national political environments.The findings suggest\nstrong potential for building resilience against harsh political climates in\nhost communities through the intervention of pro-refugee consumer coalitions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alexander Ray, SOAS, University of London <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The \u2018politics of practice\u2019 in shaping contemporary trends of integration in East African refugee policy-making<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

At\na time when the Global North has become increasingly restrictive in its\ngovernance of human mobilities, many countries in East Africa are engaging in\nprocesses of policy-making and programme design which support the integration\nof refugees into host communities and wider society. Drawing on research\nconducted by the author in Kenya, Uganda, and Switzerland between October 2017\nand January 2019 this paper examines the role of political and institutional\nscale in shaping the governance dynamics of refugee protection and assistance\nin relation to South Sudanese displacement in an East African context. This is\nachieved through the adoption of the \u2018politics of practice\u2019 approach which\nunderstands power as relational and strategic. Through this lens it becomes\napparent that the current direction of refugee policy-making in East Africa has\nbeen shaped through a series of interconnected and iterative strategies\nincluding brokerage, bargaining, knowledge production, and appeals to positions\nof moral authority and legitimacy which occur both between and inside scales.\nThis is elucidated through exploration of how the motivations behind the\nengagement with Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework and attempts to bridge\nthe humanitarian\u2013development divide can be understood as both engaging with and\nchallenging power dynamics between the Global North and Global South.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rodziana Mohamed Razali, McGill University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Interrogating Inclusion and Integration of Protracted Refugees in Southeast Asia<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Southeast\nAsian countries continue to serve as origin, transit and destination countries\nfor refugees within and outside the region. The absence of a common asylum\npolicy framework means that matters relating to treatment and protection of\nrefugees fall almost exclusively within the domaine reserve of States. On the\nbasis of strong consciousness of racial-cultural, economic and security\nboundaries, legal framework for recognition and protection of refugees, and a\nlong-term solution via their local integration have                <\/p>\n\n\n\n

been\npolitically ruled out in host countries. Against protracted exile and\nrelatively de facto integration of such refugees in major host countries such\nas Malaysia and Thailand, the preferred solutions persistently lie in the tired\nnarrow paths of resettlement and repatriation. Both national authorities and\nASEAN remain intransigent in envisioning productive long-term policy\nconsiderations through meaningful inclusion of this vulnerable group, leading\nto underinvestment in their potentials to contribute toward bridging labour\nmarket gaps and sustainable development. This paper seeks to explore why should\nthe exclusive regional perspective on this issue in the region be shifted in\nfavour of a more encompassing and constructive refugee management paradigm that\ncould optimally improve its impact on the home countries. It tries to foster\nthis outlook by leveraging the \u2018people-centred\u2019 ASEAN Community, the fledgling\nhuman rights framework of ASEAN and revival of the responsibility-sharing\nframework for a proper and durable integration, protection and stability in the\ncontext of diverse mixed migration terrain in Southeast Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sean Rehaag, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Northern Triangle Refugee Claimants in Canada\u2019s New Refugee Determination System<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Asylum\nseekers from Northern Triangle states (Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador) have\nfeatured prominently in the news and in public debates in recent years. Much of\nthe discussion has centred on US responses to such asylum seekers, responses\nthat have often characterized these asylum seekers as economic migrants rather\nthan refugees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus\nfar, however, there has been relatively little attention paid to how Northern\nTriangle asylum seekers have engaged with Canadian refugee processes or how\nthey may (or may not) qualify for refugee protection under Canadian law. Nor\nhas much attention been paid to how Canadian and US refugee law and policy may\ndiverge with regard to this group of asylum seekers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper seeks to help inform ongoing debates about Northern Triangle asylum seekers\nthrough an empirical examination of their experience with Canada\u2019s revised\nrefugee determination system. The paper draws on quantitative data about\nrefugee determination outcomes from 2013 to 2017, as well as qualitative\nexaminations of all Refugee Appeal Division and Federal Court decisions\ninvolving such asylum seekers during the same period. As the paper shows,\naround two thirds of refugee claimants from Northern Triangle states whose\nclaims were processed under Canada\u2019s revised refugee determination process\nsuccessfully obtained protection. Moreover, while the caselaw demonstrates that\nthere are some hurdles that Northern Triangle refugee claimants regularly\nconfront in Canadian refugee determinations, there are legal strategies that\ncan assist in surmounting those hurdles.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given\nthese findings, the paper argues that public debate about Northern Triangle\nasylum seekers must be attentive to the reality that most such asylum seekers\nwould qualify for refugee protection in Canada. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Monica Reyes, Old Dominion University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Integrating Knowledges:  Rhetorical Ecology as a Collaborative Methodological Approach within a Shelter Community for People Seeking Asylum<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nmethodologies associated with rhetorical ecology theory value tracing how\nmeaning is constructed and circulated through a variety of material and local\ninteractions among networks of human, nonhuman, and technological bodies often\nwithin specific material or abstract sites. This paper discusses the promise of\nrhetorical ecology theory as a methodology in integrating various knowledges in\nspecific contexts of displacement because it approaches contexts as varied and\nshifting, composed of narratives, events, people\/ staff, materials, and\npolicies with which people who are seeking asylum must collaborate in order to\nresettle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\nwill discuss how this methodological approach has been meaningful in my current\nwork with residents and staff at a temporary shelter for people seeking asylum\non the south Texas border. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Myriam Richard, Roxane Caron, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 (Re)consider and (re)define the vulnerabilities of refugee women: transnational perspectives on Syrian refugee women\u2019s exile pathways in Lebanon and Canada<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Around\nthe world today, half of the refugees are women (IOM, 2018). However, women\nexperience gender-specific realities even after reaching an apparently safe\nplace (Fiddian-Qasmieh, 2014). If the gendered reality of the \u201cexperience of\nexile and refuge\u201d is often overshadowed by broader migration issues, women as a\ngroup are particularly affected by disasters and wars. They are more exposed to\ndiseases, precarious living conditions, high stress and various forms of\nviolence (Freedman et al., 2017; Amnesty International, 2014). That being said,\nwhen facing this precarious context, many refugee women also seize new\nadaptation and resistance opportunities that bring some of them to renegotiate\ntheir identities (Caron, 2012, Wells & Kuttiparambil, 2016). At the\nhumanitarian level, gender thus appears as a critical factor in understanding\nand operationalizing the concept of vulnerability, thus conditioning\neligibility to resettlement as well as assistance and support services for\nrefugees (Freedman et al., 2017, Janmyr and Mourad, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On\nthe basis of a qualitative research project rooted in an intersectional\nfeminist perspective (Hill and Bilge, 2016), a broader transnational approach\n(Mohanty, 2003, Moosa Mitha and Ross Sheriff, 2010) is used to understand\nrefugee women\u2019s exile pathways in Lebanon and Canada (Quebec) (Caron,\nFRQSC-2017-2020). This paper has two objectives: 1) to show that, beyond the\ndiscourse on the complexity of the realities women face in situations of exile\nand refuge, they nonetheless go through these experiences individually and\nwhile being rooted in a local context. Taking into account their journeys\nwithin these specific contexts helps us uncover some of the issues structuring\ntheir needs, desires or worldviews, etc. It also allows us to go beyond the\nvulnerabilities associated with their \u00ab\u00a0refugee status\u00a0\u00bb (Malkki, 1995);\n2) Moreover, the transnational perspective at the core of the project reveals\ncross-cutting strategies that transcend national contexts, informing us of the\nways we could (re)consider and (re)define the vulnerabilities refugee women\nface, and ultimately inform local and international practices aimed at\nsupporting them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Genevieve Ritchie, OISE\/UT <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Colliding Realities: Canadian Colonial Occupation and Forced Migration<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

My ongoing research with\nrefugee youth from the Middle East and North Africa seeks to understand the\nlived realities of young people as they transition from warzones and resettle\nin Toronto, Canada. In the early phases of this research I noticed that young\npeople often articulate multicultural democracy as true and universal liberty.\nThat is to say a place where one can be free to express individual desires in\nterm of culture, religion, sexuality, or personal desire. Absent from these\nnarrations of freedom, however, is a historical understanding of the ways in\nwhich racialized communities fought against Eurocentric immigration policies,\nmade claims for resources, and struggled against economic inequality. Moreover,\nwhile some young refugees had a vague sense that many Indigenous peoples live\nin remote and impoverished communities, their experiences of resettlement had\nnot alerted them to the fact that Canada is a settler-colonial nation. Having\nconcrete experiences of displacement and dispossession these young people are\neager to understand the realities of inequality in Canada, and yet they had not\nbeen given the tools to make sense of the ways in which Canada is a racially\nand economically divided society \u2013 a reality that informs and co-ordinates\ntheir resettlement experiences. Responding to Indigenous erasures and static\nnotions of multicultural inclusion, I am collating resources for English\nlanguage instruction that begin with the global and local realities of colonial\noccupation, social expulsion, and resistance. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Glenda Santana de Andrade, CRESPPA-GTM (Universit\u00e9 Paris 8)\/ IC Migrations <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 (Non)Fitting-in : The case of Syrian Refugees in urban spaces in Turkey and Jordan<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The\nnumber of displaced people worldwide has reached unprecedented levels. Since\n2011, only with the conflict in Syria, 5,5 million people have had to leave the\nterritory. They have sought refuge in different places, notably in the\nneighbours Turkey and Jordan. Whenever refugees arrive, there are pertinent\nquestions about how they will or not fit to the new society, notably in\nsensitive contexts. These processes have been studied before through different\nexemples, primarily as forms of acculturation and assimilation, highly\ncontested nowadays. More recently, notably in the humanitarian field,\nintegration has been used as the key world to describe this process, as\nprograms to promote integration are being developed and implemented by\ndifferent organisations in the host communities. As the other two terms,\n\u201cintegration\u201d has also been criticised, although yet very used, as\nunidirectional. Recognising the weakness of these terms, but without\nmiss-considering the importance of the refugee experience in exile, notably the\nprocess of adapting in the new society, this paper proposes to analyse how Syrians\nare \u201cbeing made\u201d into people who could fit; and how by their own agency they\nare engaging themselves in \u201cmaking it\u201d a place for them in the new location.\nWithout neglecting the violence, whether symbolic or not, that they may suffer\nin this process, this study proposes to analyse the case of Syrians living in\nTurkey and Jordan. The urban refugee experience of (non)fitting-in will be the\nobject of this paper. In order to analyse this process, this study is based on\na series of semi-structured interviews with Syrian refugees in both countries.\nThe interviews were conducted in several cities, with different profiles of\nSyrians in 2016 and 2017. This methodology is complemented by a more\nanthropological \/ ethnological approach ; in particular, accompanying the work\nof international organisations and local NGOs; observing spaces; making visits\nto neighbourhoods, houses of families; engaging in discussions and\nconversations around an ordinary tea.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mary Rose Geraldine Sarausad, Asian Institute of Technology <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Short-term Policies in Response to Temporary Labour Migration:  The Case of Thailand<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Thailand\nhas been, for many years, a destination for thousands of unauthorized migrants,\nfrom neighbouring countries like Myanmar and Cambodia.  For several years, it has also seen a rising\ntrend in the number of foreigner workers coming from other countries or regions\noutside of the Greater Mekong Sub-Region like the Philippines and Bangladesh,\ncreating political and management challenges for the government.  Moreover, the country has been undergoing\nrapid transformation, as it is becoming more and more developed and\ninterconnected with other countries. \nWith these changes, Thailand has become dependent on unskilled or\nlow-skilled foreign labour in addressing high labour costs and labour\nshortages, promoting the need for cheap labour from poor countries.  However, hundreds of thousands of these\nworkers are undocumented, were smuggled or trafficked into the country.  The government has been trying to register\nundocumented workers through its National Verification Process (NVP) and\nadmitted new migrant workers under the MOUs with other countries.  However, many remained unregistered or\nirregular mainly because of the high costs involved and complex recruitment\nprocedures.  Thus, its response to the\nmigration problems was seen as ineffective, conflicting and fragmented because\nit failed to curtail the expansion of the smuggling or trafficking of irregular\nmigrants into the country, placing them in debt bondage, forced labour and exploitative\nconditions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

John Shields, Ryerson University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Resilience and the Canadian Non-profit Migrant Settlement System: Challenges and Opportunities for Newcomer Integration <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Resilience\nhas been defined as \u201cthe capacity of individuals, communities and systems to\nsurvive in the face of stress and shocks, and even transform when conditions\nrequire\u201d (Akbar 2017, ii). Successful migrant settlement requires the\nindividual resilience of newcomers and institutional resilience from the\norganizations and communities that support migrants. This is particularly the\ncase for non-profit settlement agencies that have been the back bone of the\nCanadian system of newcomer integration. This settlement approach has been well\nregarded internationally as a government funded community-centred way of\nsupporting immigrants and refugees in their settlement needs and in fostering\nintegration into Canadian society. Such non-profit agencies have been resilient\norganizations that have been adept at addressing changing migrant needs.\nHowever, this settlement system has been under stress in more recent years due\nto the long term negative impacts of neoliberal restructuring which has pushed\nnon-profit settlement agencies to do more with ever less and worked to mute\ntheir advocacy role. This work examines the challenges and opportunities faced\nby these agencies and the migrants they serve, drawing an assessment of their\nstate of their well-being and prospects for the future of the Canadian migrant\nsettlement system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Amanda Siino, York University (Alumni) <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Livelihood Strategies of Displaced Independent Eritrean Youth in Cairo \u2014 Examining Agency and Vulnerability<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Eritrea\nis one of the largest refugee producing countries, as many exit to escape\narduous National Service (Amnesty International 2015). Egypt is an important\ntransit country for Eritreans, with the majority settling in Cairo. Based on\nfieldwork with displaced independent Eritrean youths in Cairo from May-August\n2017, this paper applies the livelihoods framework to independent displaced\nyouths to study their agentic capabilities, amidst vulnerability. A livelihoods\nframework enables an understanding of youth\u2019s interaction with Egyptian society\nbeyond economic participation, but through their ability to negotiate access to\nsocial, institutional, and financial resources. One main finding from this\nresearch is that youths are primarily able to negotiate their livelihoods\nthrough their housemates, who are often those they met \u2018en route\u2019 from Eritrea\nto Cairo. Furthermore, their housemates are frequently their only source of\nsupport, regardless of their ability to provide adequate support. Thus, youth\u2019s\nability to manage the various forms of exclusion they experience in Egypt can\nbe alleviated or exacerbated by the ability of their housemates to do so.\nDespite the experiences of vulnerability of independent displaced youths,\nmainly determined by their security context, they enact agency in managing\ntheir access to resources and negotiation of life in Cairo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stephanie Silverman, University of Ottawa <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Profiling Risk at the Canadian Border<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper is taken from a larger research project on how Canadian government\nofficials assess \u2018risks\u2019 posed by border-crossers travelling on foot from the\nUnited States. These paper-based tools are the Canada Border Service Agency\u2019s\nNational Risk Assessment Device for decision-making on arrests and transfers to\ndetention centres, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police\u2019s unnamed survey\nadministered primarily at the Roxham Road informal crossing. We apply social and\ncultural theories of risk to analysing these documents. Our analysis reveals\nthat the documents conflate multiple and at times contradictory definitions of\n\u2018risk\u2019, perceptions of what constitutes risk and evaluations of uncertainty as\nit relates to perceived risks in the context of detention. This paper will\nprovide an overview of the tools and discuss the lens as well as two results\nfrom our analysis. Our discussion will then zoom out to put our analysis into\nthe larger conversation on surveillance, risk management, and securitization of\ncertain bodies at the border. This conversation also bears some interesting\nimplications about the continuing relevance of the \u2018paper border\u2019 in an\nincreasingly digitized and technology-oriented environment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

James C. Simeon, York University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

People in Limbo. The NonIntegration of those who are deemed to be Undesirable but Non-Returnable<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

There\nare various categories of persons who are in \u00ab\u00a0legal limbo\u00a0\u00bb and who\nare unable to regularize their status in Canada and, accordingly, can never be\nintegrated within Canadian society. However, the person still has a\nwell-founded fear of being persecuted should they return to their country of\nnationality or former habitual residence. In short, the person cannot receive\nrefugee status and cannot be returned to their country of nationality or former\nhabitual residence and, as a consequence, have no legal status while they\nremain in Canada. Anyone who is caught in a state of \u00ab\u00a0legal limbo\u00a0\u00bb in\nCanada will not be able to fully integrate into Canadian society. This paper\nwill consider the various categories of persons in \u00ab\u00a0legal limbo\u00a0\u00bb in\nCanada and the various policy options that could be considered to regularize\ntheir status in Canada in order to provide them with the opportunity to\nintegrate into society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gustavo Sim\u00f5es, UFRR – Universidade Federal de Roraima <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Governance of the Venezuelan Immigration in Brazil: The role of the Federal University of Roraima<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\npaper seeks to examine the extent to which the governance structure for\nmigration in the state of Roraima follows a global scheme process, led by\ninternational agencies in loco, which comes from  a top-bottom perspective.  It also analyzes whether the Federal\nUniversity of Roraima (UFRR), as a local actor in this governance, fits this\nglobal scheme and seeks to report all activities developed by the university\nbetween 2016 and 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To\naccomplish these goals, the paper is divided into four sections. An\nintroduction that analyzes the concepts, theoretical framework of governance\nand a context of Venezuelan immigration to Roraima. Next, the next section will\naddress the actors and their roles in the governance of Venezuelan immigration\nin Roraima. The third part will talk about the role of UFRR in this issue and\nhow it relates to this top-down scheme of governance. Finally, the conclusion\nsection will aim to systematize the work and answer the question : How this\nlocal actor (Federal University of Roraima) relates to the top-down scheme of\ngovernance in the immigration of Venezuelans in Brazil?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Amy Soberano, Access Alliance <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Integration and Health: Understanding Connection between Access to Education and Mental Health <\/h3>\n\n\n\n

I\nwill be exploring the concept of integration through a framework that positions\naccess and inclusion as fundamental social determinants of mental health for\nnewcomer communities. For the purposes of this panel, I will focus in\nparticular on the relationship between mental health and access to meaningful\neducational opportunities among people navigating the process of integration\nwith precarious immigration status. As a front-line mental health worker, I\nwill be reflecting both on the practice-based evidence I\u2019ve observed in my\nclinical work with migrant communities, as well as findings from a textbook\nchapter I co-authored entitled Precarious Status: Youth Mental Health at the\nIntersections of Identity and Migration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stephanie Stobbe, Menno Simons College (a College of CMU), located at the University of Winnipeg <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Integration of Refugees in Canadian Communities: Lessons Learned from the Southeast Asian Refugee Movement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Between\nthe late 1970s and early 1990s, the Mennonites have been instrumental in\nresettling refugees from Southeast Asia. In fact, Mennonite Central Committee\nsigned the first umbrella agreement in 1979 with the Government of Canada to\noversee the private sponsorship of refugees. Between 1979 and 1980, Canada took\nin over 60,000 Southeast Asian (Indochinese) refugees from Vietnam, Laos, and\nCambodia, making it the most successful resettlement movement in Canadian\nhistory. Overall, the resettlement and integration processes have been\nsuccessful. How do Mennonites support sponsorship and resettlement of refugees?\nWhat are the most important services and assistance required by refugees for\nsuccessful integration? What lessons can be learned from these experiences that\nare helpful as Mennonites and other communities continue to sponsor refugees\nfrom Syria, Iraq, and other countries? This paper explores the criteria for\nsuccessful refugee integration and areas for improvements as Canadians respond\nto the plight of refugees around the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dina Taha, York University<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Ethical Reflexivity and Decolonizing Refugee Research: Reflections from the Field<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nthis presentation, I propose reflexivity, or asking how the researcher position\nand positionality implicates the research process and the researcher\u2019s\ninterpretations, as a tool not only to sustain rigorous methodological and\nempirical practices but also as means to decolonizing research. I build on\nGuillemin and Gillam (2004) process of ethical reflexivity \u2013 which they have\nused to trace and reflect on the everyday ethical issues arising in the field\nas opposed to procedural ethics. I aim to extend the notion of ethical\nreflexivity to unravel how research can further marginalize the \u201cOthered\u201d\nstories by replicating colonial assumptions and reinforcing hegemonic\ndiscourses. In addition to reflecting on microethics or ethics in practice,\nethical reflexivity thus should strive for a more egalitarian research\nexperience which ensures that the researcher\u2019s interpretations are not made in\nisolation from the research participants, their worldviews and ways of knowing.\nI reflect on examples and interactions with my respondents during my fieldwork\nin 2017, where I interviewed Syrian refugee women in Egypt who married Egyptian\nmen often as a coping strategy. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sandra Trebunia, University of Lincoln <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Getting settled and negotiating identities: refugee women\u2019s experiences in Sao Paulo<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

This\nstudy analyses the settlement challenges faced by refugee women in Brazil, and\nhow social workers and NGOs can best support them as they settle in urban\nareas. Drawing on six months of fieldwork in 2017 with refugee women and\npractitioners in Sao Paulo, it enhances understanding of refugee experiences\nand policy\/practice responses in the Global South. A qualitative approach was\nutilised: interviews with refugee women (n=17) and social work practitioners\n(n=16); six photo-elicited interviews with women to provide visual data about\neveryday life; and, ethnographic observations at 13 events with and for refugee\nwomen. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although\nBrazil has an \u2018open-door policy\u2019 to refugees, there is limited state support to\nmeet their social and economic needs. Refugee women are therefore expected to\nimmediately integrate into the labour market. The research highlights that\nwomen need to be adaptive and creative while rebuilding their lives. By\nexploring women\u2019s daily struggles, activism and speech practices, this study\nengages with the debates about agency. The question on how to think about\nrefugee women\u2019s agency allows to critically reflect on the existing settlement\npolicies and practices. The paper concludes that further consideration is\nneeded to develop programmes that recognise and value women\u2019s identities,\npriorities and skills.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jeanique Tucker, University of Alberta <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Finding a Migration Integration Strategy That Works: A Critique of Canada\u2019s Neoliberal Measures for Refugee Integration.<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Canada\u2019s\nprivate sponsorship program is one whereby individuals or smaller community\ngroups take responsibility for managing the movement and settlement of\nrefugees. This kind of initiative has grown, in large part because the state\nclaims to find the cost of government sponsorship too high. Although it is\ngenerally understood as a humanitarian solution to the violence of precarious\nmigration across conflict zones, it must also be understood as an economic as\nwell as political project which mobilizes narratives of grassroots civic\nengagement to deepen the stronghold of neoliberal ideologies within the\ncapitalist social relations. I argue that private sponsorship contributes to\nthe depoliticization of migration and resettlement thereby making it more\ndifficult for newcomers to be critically conscious of their experiences of\ndispossession and downward mobility. Although refugee resettlement appears as a\nhumanitarian response to war and displacement, it simultaneously orients social\nconsciousness towards the expansive project of social reproduction and\nindividualizing wellbeing. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This\nlogic is evident in the ways integration is measured, with economic stability\nbeing treated as the primary marker of success. As Jacques Derrida points out\nthough, with his theory of hospitality, integration is best measured through a\nshared sense of place and belonging. This requires actively deploying a migrant\nintegration strategy that considers economic, social, political and cultural\nfactors in measuring success and by extension ensuring that success. One step\nin forming these new measures is to look at the logic driving the current\nrefugee policies and finding alternate logics that may better serve the\ndisplaced.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Luna Vives, Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al; Kira Williams, University of Waterloo <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Unaccompanied and separated migrant children in the Mediterranean: a preliminary analysis of the data<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Unaccompanied\nand separated migrant children (USMC) are arguably the migrant group most\nvulnerable to violence and exploitation. Consequently, and by their condition\nas children, they are accorded the highest degree of protection in\ninternational, regional, and national legal frameworks; however, in a context\nwhere states securitize and criminalize international migration, these\nprotections are rapidly eroding. This is happening as the number of USMC\nincreases, both because of a growth in independent child migration and because\nanti-immigration policies at the border separate children from their\ncaregivers. This paper marks the beginning of an investigation to document the\nmerging of USMC into the larger group of unwanted migrants in the Mediterranean\nregion. In this paper, we will test the reliability, validity, and\nrepresentativeness of the data obtained from the European Border and Coast\nGuard Agency (Frontex) and Eurostat. Considering the limitations of the data,\nwe will try to reconstruct USMC journeys across the Mediterranean border and\ninto the EU. This information will be completed at a later stage with\nqualitative data from state security forces, policymakers, youth protection\nagencies, inter-governmental and non-governmental organizations on both sides\nof the Mediterranean border.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kira Williams, Wilfrid Laurier University <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 (Un)making the Refugee via Emplotment: Statistical Narration of Interdicted Migrant Histories in the Central Mediterranean Sea, 2006 to 2015<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

State\nborder enforcement practices attempt to frame the existence of groups as\nrefugees and produce actionable knowledge to maintain existing social\nhierarchies; however, few migration scholars consider how authorities construct\nthese ontologies. This paper explores the (un)making of refugees interdicted in\nthe Central Mediterranean Sea between 2006 and 2015 to address this gap,\ntracing the (un)making of the refugee via emplotment. I analyse emplotment\nusing operational documents and practices, especially interrogation and\nincident reporting, from Frontex. I map how Frontex (1) identifies and\ndescribes interdicted migrants, (2) structures who gives and receives refugee\nstatus, and (3) explains why interdicted migrants do or do not receive refugee\nstatus. I find that Frontex emplots interdicted migrants in a way which makes\nit nearly impossible to be(come) a refugee and that this outcome is part of a\nwider process generating social, political and spatial exclusion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elke Winter, Anke Patzelt, University of Ottawa<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Claims Making in the Context of the Refugee Crisis. A German Canadian Comparison<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

2015\nand 2016 were among the most turbulent in recent history of refugee movements\nin the Western world. The Syrian conflict generated massive flows of people\nseeking refuge in Germany and elsewhere. About 1 million refugees\/asylum\nseekers literally marched to Germany’s doorstep and Canada, despite its remote\nlocation, has resettled over 53,620 Syrian refugees. In this paper, we examine\npublic claims in the context of the \u00ab\u00a0refugee crisis\u00a0\u00bb in Germany and\nCanada. At the local level, the integration of forced migrants appears driven\nby similar concerns, with solutions for refugee integration and opposition to\nrefugee acceptance varying according to national and local opportunity\nstructures. Concentrating on the Rhein-Neckar Region around Heidelberg in Germany,\nas well as the National Capital Region in Canada, we analyse which actors make\nclaims (heard in public space), what claims are made (for, against, or by\nrefugees), as well as who is targeted by these claims.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Katya Yefimova, University of Washington <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Inclusion through design: Library programming for migrants and refugees<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

For\nmigrants and refugees, libraries serve as an important source of information\nabout their new community, as well as a place to access language classes, job\nreadiness support, and children\u2019s programming. Integration is the explicit goal\nof these services. While valuable, these services do not account for the full\ncomplexity of experiences of migrants and refugees. This limitation is\nsignificant because libraries strive to be places where communities come\ntogether. I argue that a shift in focus from integration to social inclusion\ncan address this limitation. The concept of social inclusion describes how\nindividuals are prevented from participating in societies where they live.\nPromoting social inclusion means creating opportunities for individuals to\nexercise agency, making meaningful decisions about what is valuable for\nthemselves and their communities. I share how a design approach in library\nprogramming can facilitate this shift in focus. While design evades simple\ndefinition, a design approach involves creating something that does not yet\nexist in the world, with the intent to improve the current state. I discuss\nexamples of design encounters and activities used in libraries to foster social\ninclusion for migrants and refugees. I suggest strategies for incorporating the\nactivities in other research and practice settings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Julie Young, University of Lethbridge<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Claiming Refuge at the Canada US Border in the Trump Trudeau Era<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nSeptember 2017, Member of Parliament Pablo Rodriguez was sent to Los Angeles to\ndissuade additional arrivals of US-based asylum seekers at the Canada-US\nborder. This was part of a wider information campaign organized by the Canadian\ngovernment responding to what has been presented as a moment of\n\u00ab\u00a0crisis\u00a0\u00bb at the border, where there has been a dramatic increase in\nthe number of people crossing \u00ab\u00a0irregularly\u00a0\u00bb from the US to make a\nclaim for refugee status in Canada. This situation has been influenced by the\nheightened anti-immigration rhetoric and policies of the Trump administration\nand exacerbated by the existing Canada-US Safe Third Country Agreement, which\ninadvertently incentivizes irregular entry. In this paper, I emphasize the\nimportance of the longer histories and wider geopolitics of contested border\ncrossings and refugee deterrence practices around the Canada-US boundary line as\ncrucial to understanding this contemporary moment of crisis at the border.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jona Zyfi, University of Toronto<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The use of AI in immigrant and refugee processes<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

In\nrecent years, there has been an increased interest in the use of artificial\nintelligence to assist in the immigration and refugee process. Biometrics, in\nparticular, have the potential to positively assist refugees, for example by\nestablishing their identities. However, there are also a variety of ethical,\nlegal and procedural concerns with how they are being used by States,\nparticularly at the border. Biometrics refers to biological measurements and\ncalculations. These typically include fingerprints, facial characteristics and\niris scans, but it can also include what is referred to as invisible markers\nsuch as voice recognition or technology behaviour patterns. The aim of this\npaper is to outline the main concerns – privacy, misidentification and\nstigmatization – regarding the application of biometrics to refugees through a\ncritical race lens.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

(PDF download) Panels and Workshops Tanya Aberman, Vernetta Avril, York University; Amy Soberano, Access Alliance; Philip Ackerman, Ruth Damdar, Seneca College; Genevieve Ritchie, OISE\/UT Questioning Integration: Claiming Counterspaces Through Post-Secondary Education With the increased displacement and movement of people around the world, the reification and fortification of external, as well as internal borders has contributed to the conditions of precarity that newcomers confront. Drawing on original research and innovative new tertiary education-based projects, this panel…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-39642","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/39642","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=39642"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/39642\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=39642"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}