{"id":40578,"date":"2022-04-22T09:52:55","date_gmt":"2022-04-22T13:52:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/?p=40578"},"modified":"2022-09-16T14:45:46","modified_gmt":"2022-09-16T18:45:46","slug":"carfms22-call-for-papers-crisis-and-forced-migration-manifestations-of-power-in-a-changing-world","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/carfms22-call-for-papers-crisis-and-forced-migration-manifestations-of-power-in-a-changing-world\/","title":{"rendered":"CARFMS22: \u201cCrisis\u201d and Forced Migration: Manifestations of power in a changing world"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Le fran\u00e7ais suit<\/em><\/p>\n

14th<\/sup> Annual Conference of the Canadian Association for Refugee and Forced Migration Studies (CARFMS)<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hosted virtually in collaboration with<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

The Human Rights Program at United College at the University of Waterloo<\/strong><\/p>\n

On<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

2 – 4 November 2022<\/strong><\/p>\n

CONFERENCE WEBSITE<\/a><\/span><\/h2>\n

Whether used in reference to conflict, war and displacement, climate change, Covid-19, impending food shortages, or the state of democracy, the concept of crisis has become ubiquitous in modern discourse.  Invoking \u2018catastrophe\u2019 or \u2018disaster,\u2019 the term \u2018crisis\u2019 inflames political passions and evokes an emotional response, frequently rooted in fear. Yet a \u2018crisis\u2019 is not inherently negative. Having its roots in the Greek \u2018kr\u00edsis\u2019 and \u2018kr\u00edno,\u2019 meaning \u2018to decide\u2019 or \u2018to judge,\u2019 referring to the action or ability to separate or distinguish, a \u2018crisis\u2019 can also be considered a turning point\/a point of inflection, an event or a state of affairs that provokes or requires a decisive response. It implies the impossibility of maintaining the status quo. It may precipitate feelings of powerlessness, or provoke responses grounded in the baser instincts of humanity \u2013 fear, prejudice, selfishness, but it can also act as a call to action, change, renewal, and solidarity. Conflict or crisis is sometimes necessary to bring about social change.<\/p>\n

In the forced migration context, the term \u2018crisis\u2019 has been affixed both to specific displacements (i.e., the European migration \u2018crisis\u2019) and to root causes (i.e., authoritarian government). In either case, crises demand response. Does the international community come together in solidarity to redefine and reapportion global responsibility, or does it fragment with each state or region building ever higher walls to deter entrance? Do we hold on to a definition of \u201crefugee\u201d that offers protection to some but excludes many, or re-imagine the international protection regime to better ensure the equal dignity and respect that were its original promise?<\/p>\n

The mobilization of the concept of \u2018crisis\u2019 influences our ability to respond and the responses available. As an extraordinary occurrence, a \u2018crisis\u2019 can be used to justify or authorize an emergency response in which the status quo may be suspended with dramatic consequences for people on the move. Indeed, both \u2018crises\u2019 themselves and the responses that they elicit represent manifestations of power or the lack thereof. In the migration context, the politics of power are evident in the responses to forced displacement: in the ability of the Global North to implement policies and practices that trap displaced persons in the Global South and in the inability of less economically developed countries to hold wealthy countries accountable for their role in the root causes of displacement. The state leader who can close a border or criminalize assistance to irregular migrants exercises power. The politician who uses the vulnerability of others to stoke nationalist sentiments exercises power. The immigration officer responsible for defining and categorizing those seeking protection exercises power. However, so too does the migrant who, once displaced, rebuilds their life, the advocate who stands up for the rights of others, the academic whose research influences policy, and the refugee who makes their voice heard.<\/p>\n

The 2022 CARFMS Conference will bring together researchers, policymakers, NGOs, practitioners, students, displaced persons, and advocates from diverse disciplinary and regional backgrounds to discuss how to claim, exercise, or resist power in responses to the multiple, overlapping global forced migration crises that currently face the world. The conference will feature keynote and plenary speeches from leaders in the field and refugees, and we welcome proposals for individual papers, organized panels and roundtables structured around the following broad subthemes:<\/p>\n

1)           Power, Ideology, and Disruption: Challenging discourse and praxis<\/strong><\/p>\n

In a time when opportunistic populist regimes often misrepresent and scapegoat refugees and other forcibly displaced persons, what role does discourse and ideology play in shaping perceptions of those in need? How can refugees and advocates resist and disrupt existing power structures evident in language, image, policy, and law that dehumanize, discriminate, and criminalize? This theme explores the use of these vehicles to shape the discourse and praxis around refugees and explores ways of strengthening recognition of equal dignity and rights for those who are forcibly displaced.<\/p>\n

2)           Representation, Discrimination, and Legitimacy: Claiming space to be a refugee<\/strong><\/p>\n

One manifestation of power comes in the form of control over definition and recognition. This subtheme interrogates the politics of inclusion and exclusion and examines the liminality inherent in the experience of displacement. Which migrants and refugees get to be \u201cseen\u201d? Whose voices are heard? In watching the crisis unfold on the Polish-Ukrainian border in March 2022, advocates were distressed but not surprised to see the disparate treatment afforded to certain groups of refugees. How are race, religion, country of origin, method of flight, etc. used to create and perpetuate hierarchies of worthiness, despite an international legal framework based on the inherent equality and dignity of all humans? Contributors are encouraged to reflect on questions of identity and definition and how the current system can ensure a protected \u2018space\u2019 in which refugees can exercise voice and claim rights.   <\/strong><\/p>\n

3)           Crisis, Complicity and Responsibility: Critical approaches to understanding \u201croot causes\u201d <\/strong><\/p>\n

Although well known, the root causes of forced migration (conflict, war, environmental disasters, development, climate change, etc.) receive far less attention than they deserve in the study of forced migration. In the largely reactive approaches taken by researchers and policymakers, they tend to be accepted as largely inevitable, unavoidable, unchangeable. However, forced displacement is not inevitable: it is the intentional or incidental product of deliberate actions taken by powerful actors. This subtheme encourages contributors to pursue a broad understanding of root causes and prevention of forced migration. How do broader historical and political realities, including power disparities and colonial legacies, create the conditions for forced displacement and the crises that precipitate it? What actions can be taken to prevent forced migration in the first place and what responsibility do states and others have to act? <\/p>\n

4)           Resistance, Agency, and Solidarity: Reflecting on responses to forced displacement<\/strong><\/p>\n

The reality that the vast majority of forcibly displaced people remain in a state of legal, social, political, and economic precarity indefinitely has spurred examination of responses beyond the three traditional durable solutions of resettlement, repatriation, and integration. Increasingly, there is an emphasis on refugee resilience and self-reliance.  Some question whether this trend represents a genuine acknowledgement of the agency of migrants, as opposed to an offloading of responsibility from the state onto private actors and refugees themselves. However, recognizing the capabilities of migrants and their potential as contributors to development allows states and other actors to imagine new responses to forced migration and to solicit engagement from a wider range of stakeholders.<\/p>\n

This subtheme explores various responses to forced migration put forward by refugees and migrants themselves, host communities, aid providers, national authorities, and the international community. These responses vary from grassroots solidarity initiatives to high-level international cooperation. At all levels there is need to explore how to develop sustainable programming that ensures the rights \u2013 and dignity \u2013 of migrants, fosters civil society engagement, and reimagines what it means to be in solidarity with refugees. <\/p>\n

5)           Best Practices in Forced Migration Research<\/strong><\/p>\n

As the field of forced migration studies matures, innovative methodologies are developed, and best practices emerge. Increasingly there is a push to ensure not only that displaced persons\u2019 voices are heard but that they are included as active participants in all stages of the research process and the production of knowledge. This subtheme encourages researchers to consider, among other things, how to ensure that their work engages with and is meaningful to key stakeholders, including people who are displaced. We also encourage submissions that explore strategies to bridge the gap between academic research, policymaking, and practice, that examine the opportunities and challenges of interdisciplinary research, and that address ethical concerns in the field.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Join or Renew Your CARFMS Membership Now<\/strong>  <\/p>\n

A membership in CARFMS enables access to events, services and activities that will help you network with scholars and practitioners, and will help you keep abreast of evolving research topics, approaches and methodologies in the field of refugee and forced migration studies.  <\/p>\n

CARFMS 22 will not be charging the usual registration fees. However, membership is mandatory for all who would like to present or attend. When you register for the conference, your fee will provide you with a membership to the next CARFMS conference.  If you have already gotten a new or renewed membership after January 1, 2022<\/strong>, you will not be charged a fee for this conference. However, you will still be required to register (more details to follow).<\/p>\n

CARFMS membership fees and donations are the main source of the Association’s operating and program costs.   <\/p>\n

Thank you and hope to see everyone at CARFMS22! <\/p>\n

\n

CARFMS\/ACERMF22 : Appel \u00e0 contributions – \u00ab\u00a0Crise\u00a0\u00bb et migration forc\u00e9e : Manifestations de pouvoir dans un monde en transition<\/strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n

14e Conf\u00e9rence annuelle de l’Association canadienne des \u00e9tudes sur les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et la migration forc\u00e9e (ACERMF)<\/strong><\/p>\n

En ligne en collaboration avec<\/p>\n

Le programme des droits de la personne du Coll\u00e8ge Uni de l’Universit\u00e9 de Waterloo.<\/p>\n

le 2 – 4 novembre 2022<\/p>\n

Qu’il soit utilis\u00e9 en r\u00e9f\u00e9rence aux conflits, aux guerres et aux d\u00e9placements, au changement climatique, au Covid-19, aux p\u00e9nuries alimentaires imminentes ou \u00e0 l’\u00e9tat de la d\u00e9mocratie, le concept de crise est devenu omnipr\u00e9sent dans le discours moderne.  Faisant r\u00e9f\u00e9rence \u00e0 la \u00ab\u00a0catastrophe\u00a0\u00bb ou au \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9sastre\u00a0\u00bb, le terme \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb enflamme les passions politiques et suscite une r\u00e9ponse \u00e9motionnelle, souvent ancr\u00e9e dans la peur. Pourtant, une \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb n’est pas n\u00e9gative en soi. Puisant ses racines dans les mots grecs \u00ab\u00a0kr\u00edsis\u00a0\u00bb et \u00ab\u00a0kr\u00edno\u00a0\u00bb, qui signifient \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9cider\u00a0\u00bb ou \u00ab\u00a0juger\u00a0\u00bb et renvoient \u00e0 l’action ou \u00e0 la capacit\u00e9 de s\u00e9parer ou de distinguer, une \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb peut \u00e9galement \u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme un tournant ou un point d’inflexion, un \u00e9v\u00e9nement ou un \u00e9tat de fait qui provoque ou exige une r\u00e9ponse d\u00e9cisive. Elle implique l’impossibilit\u00e9 de maintenir le statu quo. Elle peut pr\u00e9cipiter un sentiment d’impuissance ou provoquer des r\u00e9actions fond\u00e9es sur les instincts les plus bas de l’humanit\u00e9 – la peur, les pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s, l’\u00e9go\u00efsme – mais elle peut aussi agir comme un appel \u00e0 l’action, au changement, au renouveau et \u00e0 la solidarit\u00e9. Un conflit ou une crise est parfois n\u00e9cessaire pour provoquer un changement social.<\/p>\n

Dans le contexte de la migration forc\u00e9e, le terme \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb a \u00e9t\u00e9 attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 la fois \u00e0 des d\u00e9placements sp\u00e9cifiques (par exemple, la \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb migratoire europ\u00e9enne) et \u00e0 des causes profondes (par exemple, un gouvernement autoritaire). Dans les deux cas, les crises exigent une r\u00e9ponse. La communaut\u00e9 internationale se rassemble-t-elle de mani\u00e8re solidaire pour red\u00e9finir et r\u00e9attribuer la responsabilit\u00e9 mondiale, ou se fragmente-t-elle, chaque \u00c9tat ou r\u00e9gion construisant des murs toujours plus hauts pour emp\u00eacher l’entr\u00e9e ? Faut-il s’en tenir \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du terme \u00ab\u00a0r\u00e9fugi\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb qui offre une protection \u00e0 certains mais en exclut beaucoup, ou bien r\u00e9imaginer le r\u00e9gime de protection internationale pour mieux garantir l’\u00e9gale dignit\u00e9 et le respect qui \u00e9taient sa promesse initiale ?<\/p>\n

La mobilisation du concept de \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb influence notre capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 r\u00e9agir et les r\u00e9ponses disponibles. En tant qu’\u00e9v\u00e9nement extraordinaire, une \u00ab\u00a0crise\u00a0\u00bb peut \u00eatre utilis\u00e9e pour justifier ou autoriser une r\u00e9ponse d’urgence dans laquelle le statu quo peut \u00eatre suspendu avec des cons\u00e9quences dramatiques pour les personnes en mouvement. En effet, les \u00ab\u00a0crises\u00a0\u00bb elles-m\u00eames et les r\u00e9ponses qu’elles suscitent sont des manifestations du pouvoir ou de son absence. Dans le contexte de la migration, la politique du pouvoir est \u00e9vidente dans les r\u00e9ponses au d\u00e9placement forc\u00e9 : dans la capacit\u00e9 du Nord global \u00e0 mettre en \u0153uvre des politiques et des pratiques qui pi\u00e8gent les personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es dans le Sud global et dans l’incapacit\u00e9 des pays \u00e9conomiquement moins d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s \u00e0 tenir les pays riches responsables de leur r\u00f4le dans les causes profondes du d\u00e9placement. Le chef d’\u00c9tat[1]<\/a> qui peut fermer une fronti\u00e8re ou criminaliser l’aide aux migrants irr\u00e9guliers exerce le pouvoir. Le politicien qui utilise la vuln\u00e9rabilit\u00e9 des autres pour attiser les sentiments nationalistes exerce un pouvoir. L’agent d’immigration charg\u00e9 de d\u00e9finir et de cat\u00e9goriser les personnes en qu\u00eate de protection exerce un pouvoir. Cependant, il en va de m\u00eame pour le migrant qui, une fois d\u00e9plac\u00e9, reconstruit sa vie, le d\u00e9fenseur qui d\u00e9fend les droits des autres, l’universitaire dont les recherches influencent les politiques et le r\u00e9fugi\u00e9 qui fait entendre sa voix.<\/p>\n

La conf\u00e9rence 2022 de l\u2019ACERMF r\u00e9unira des chercheurs, des d\u00e9cideurs politiques, des ONG, des praticiens, des \u00e9tudiants, des personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es et des d\u00e9fenseurs de diverses disciplines et r\u00e9gions pour discuter de la mani\u00e8re de revendiquer, d’exercer ou de r\u00e9sister au pouvoir en r\u00e9ponse aux multiples crises mondiales de migration forc\u00e9e qui se chevauchent actuellement dans le monde. La conf\u00e9rence comprendra des discours liminaires et pl\u00e9niers prononc\u00e9s par des leaders du domaine et des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s, et nous accueillons les propositions de communications individuelles, de panels organis\u00e9s et de tables rondes structur\u00e9es autour des grands sous-th\u00e8mes suivants :<\/p>\n

1) Pouvoir, id\u00e9ologie et perturbation : Remettre en question le discours et la pratique<\/strong><\/p>\n

A une \u00e9poque o\u00f9 les r\u00e9gimes populistes opportunistes d\u00e9forment souvent les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et autres personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es de force et en font des boucs \u00e9missaires, quel r\u00f4le le discours et l’id\u00e9ologie jouent-ils dans la perception des personnes dans le besoin ? Comment les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et leurs d\u00e9fenseurs peuvent-ils r\u00e9sister et perturber les structures de pouvoir existantes qui se manifestent dans le langage, l’image, la politique et la loi et qui d\u00e9shumanisent, discriminent et criminalisent ? Ce th\u00e8me explore l’utilisation de ces v\u00e9hicules pour fa\u00e7onner le discours et la pratique autour des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et explore les moyens de renforcer la reconnaissance de l’\u00e9galit\u00e9 de dignit\u00e9 et de droits pour ceux qui sont d\u00e9plac\u00e9s de force.<\/p>\n

2) Repr\u00e9sentation, discrimination et l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 : Revendiquer l’espace pour \u00eatre un r\u00e9fugi\u00e9<\/strong><\/p>\n

L’une des manifestations du pouvoir prend la forme d’un contr\u00f4le sur la d\u00e9finition et la reconnaissance. Ce sous-th\u00e8me interroge les politiques d’inclusion et d’exclusion et examine la liminalit\u00e9 inh\u00e9rente \u00e0 l’exp\u00e9rience du d\u00e9placement. Quels migrants et r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s peuvent \u00eatre \u00ab\u00a0vus\u00a0\u00bb ? Quelles sont les voix qui sont entendues ? En observant la crise qui s’est d\u00e9roul\u00e9e \u00e0 la fronti\u00e8re entre la Pologne et l’Ukraine en mars 2022, les d\u00e9fenseurs des droits humains ont \u00e9t\u00e9 boulevers\u00e9s mais pas surpris de constater le traitement disparate r\u00e9serv\u00e9 \u00e0 certains groupes de r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s. Comment la race, la religion, le pays d’origine, la m\u00e9thode de fuite, etc. sont utilis\u00e9s pour cr\u00e9er et perp\u00e9tuer des hi\u00e9rarchies de valeur, malgr\u00e9 un cadre juridique international fond\u00e9 sur l’\u00e9galit\u00e9 et la dignit\u00e9 inh\u00e9rentes \u00e0 tous les humains ? Les contributeurs sont encourag\u00e9s \u00e0 r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir aux questions d’identit\u00e9 et de d\u00e9finition et \u00e0 la mani\u00e8re dont le syst\u00e8me actuel peut garantir un \u00ab\u00a0espace\u00a0\u00bb prot\u00e9g\u00e9 dans lequel les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s peuvent s’exprimer et revendiquer des droits. <\/p>\n

3) Crise, complicit\u00e9 et responsabilit\u00e9 : Approches critiques pour comprendre les \u00ab\u00a0causes profondes\u00a0\u00bb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bien que bien connues, les causes profondes de la migration forc\u00e9e (conflits, guerres, catastrophes environnementales, d\u00e9veloppement, changement climatique, etc.) re\u00e7oivent beaucoup moins d’attention qu’elles ne le m\u00e9ritent dans l’\u00e9tude de la migration forc\u00e9e. Dans les approches largement r\u00e9actives adopt\u00e9es par les chercheurs et les d\u00e9cideurs politiques, elles ont tendance \u00e0 \u00eatre accept\u00e9es comme \u00e9tant en grande partie in\u00e9vitables, in\u00e9luctables, inchangeables. Cependant, les d\u00e9placements forc\u00e9s ne sont pas in\u00e9vitables : ils sont le produit intentionnel ou fortuit d’actions d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9es men\u00e9es par des acteurs puissants. Ce sous-th\u00e8me encourage les contributeurs \u00e0 poursuivre une compr\u00e9hension large des causes profondes et de la pr\u00e9vention de la migration forc\u00e9e. Comment les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s historiques et politiques plus larges, y compris les disparit\u00e9s de pouvoir et les h\u00e9ritages coloniaux, cr\u00e9ent-elles les conditions du d\u00e9placement forc\u00e9 et les crises qui le pr\u00e9cipitent ? Quelles mesures peuvent \u00eatre prises pour pr\u00e9venir les migrations forc\u00e9es et quelle est la responsabilit\u00e9 des \u00c9tats et des autres acteurs dans ce domaine ? <\/strong><\/p>\n

4) R\u00e9sistance, agence et solidarit\u00e9 : R\u00e9flexion sur les r\u00e9ponses au d\u00e9placement forc\u00e9<\/strong><\/p>\n

Le fait que la grande majorit\u00e9 des personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es de force restent ind\u00e9finiment dans un \u00e9tat de pr\u00e9carit\u00e9 juridique, sociale, politique et \u00e9conomique a incit\u00e9 \u00e0 examiner des r\u00e9ponses allant au-del\u00e0 des trois solutions durables traditionnelles que sont la r\u00e9installation, le rapatriement et l’int\u00e9gration. De plus en plus, l’accent est mis sur la r\u00e9silience et l’autonomie des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s.  Certains se demandent si cette tendance repr\u00e9sente une v\u00e9ritable reconnaissance de l’agence des migrants, par opposition \u00e0 un d\u00e9chargement de la responsabilit\u00e9 de l’\u00c9tat sur les acteurs priv\u00e9s et les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s eux-m\u00eames. Toutefois, la reconnaissance des capacit\u00e9s des migrants et de leur potentiel en tant que contributeurs au d\u00e9veloppement permet aux \u00c9tats et aux autres acteurs d’imaginer de nouvelles r\u00e9ponses \u00e0 la migration forc\u00e9e et de solliciter l’engagement d’un plus grand nombre de parties prenantes.<\/p>\n

Ce sous-th\u00e8me explore les diverses r\u00e9ponses \u00e0 la migration forc\u00e9e propos\u00e9es par les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et les migrants eux-m\u00eames, les communaut\u00e9s d’accueil, les fournisseurs d’aide, les autorit\u00e9s nationales et la communaut\u00e9 internationale. Ces r\u00e9ponses vont des initiatives de solidarit\u00e9 de la base \u00e0 la coop\u00e9ration internationale de haut niveau. A tous les niveaux, il est n\u00e9cessaire d’explorer comment d\u00e9velopper des programmes durables qui garantissent les droits – et la dignit\u00e9 – des migrants, encouragent l’engagement de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile, et r\u00e9imaginent ce que signifie \u00eatre solidaire avec les r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s.<\/p>\n

5) Meilleures pratiques en mati\u00e8re de recherche sur la migration forc\u00e9e<\/strong><\/p>\n

Au fur et \u00e0 mesure que le domaine des \u00e9tudes sur la migration forc\u00e9e m\u00fbrit, des m\u00e9thodologies innovantes sont d\u00e9velopp\u00e9es et des meilleures pratiques \u00e9mergent. De plus en plus, on cherche \u00e0 s’assurer non seulement que les voix des personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es sont entendues, mais aussi qu’elles sont incluses en tant que participants actifs \u00e0 toutes les \u00e9tapes du processus de recherche et de la production de connaissances. Ce sous-th\u00e8me encourage les chercheurs \u00e0 consid\u00e9rer, entre autres, comment s’assurer que leur travail s’engage avec et est significatif pour les principales parties prenantes, y compris les personnes d\u00e9plac\u00e9es. Nous encourageons \u00e9galement les soumissions qui explorent des strat\u00e9gies pour combler le foss\u00e9 entre la recherche universitaire, l’\u00e9laboration de politiques et la pratique, qui examinent les opportunit\u00e9s et les d\u00e9fis de la recherche interdisciplinaire et qui abordent les pr\u00e9occupations \u00e9thiques dans le domaine.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> La forme masculine employ\u00e9e dans ce texte a valeur de genre neutre et d\u00e9signe aussi bien les hommes que les femmes. Le g\u00e9n\u00e9rique masculin est utilis\u00e9 dans ce texte uniquement dans le but d’en all\u00e9ger la forme et d’en faciliter la lecture.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Le fran\u00e7ais suit 14th Annual Conference of the Canadian Association for Refugee and Forced Migration Studies (CARFMS) Hosted virtually in collaboration with The Human Rights Program at United College at the University of Waterloo On 2 – 4 November 2022 CONFERENCE WEBSITE Whether used in reference to conflict, war and displacement, climate change, Covid-19, impending food shortages, or the state of democracy, the concept of crisis has become ubiquitous in modern discourse.  Invoking \u2018catastrophe\u2019 or…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":40666,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-40578","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-carfms-news","category-conferences"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/40578","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=40578"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/40578\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/40666"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=40578"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=40578"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/carfms.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=40578"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}